Author Archives: Dr. Jane Lyons

The Plantation Era, Donaghmore Parish, Co. Tyrone

Published in Seanchas Ardmhaca – Journal of the Armagh Dioscescan Society, 1958, Vol. 3, No. 1

Under the first of the Plantation Commissions issued on 19th july, 1608, Chichester and the other members of the Irish Council conducted a survey of the six Counties of Ulster destined to be planted (Cal. S.P.I., 1608-10: An. Hib. 3, pp. 151-218). Based on this survey the scheme for Plantation was completed in 1609. In that same year a second Commission was issued authorizing Chichester and his colleagues to carry out a new survey of the escheated counties, divide the counties into proportions, make maps illustrating the divisions, and generally to take all necessary measures for furthering the Plantation. By the spring of 1610 the work was completed, and then a further commission enabled Chichester and the others to give possession to the successful applicants of the proportions of land assigned to them. The Plantation proper began in the summer and autumn of 1610.

The scheme was complete in all its parts, and if it was not to be completely successful in its object of wiping out the native stock in large tracts of the escheated counties, it was not the fault of the planners. With wonderful magnanimity they decreed that the old inhabitants be allowed to stay on their lands “till May next 1611″ so that they might plough and sow the land for the next year, “and for such corn as they shall sow from henceforth until May next, they are to sell the same to the undertaker at that time or sooner, if the undertaker shall so require, at such rates as by two indifferent men agreed upon. And thereupon they shall depart immediately from the said lands.”

It all looked beautifully simple on paper but many snags were to present themselves. In the original version of Chichester’s Notes of Remembrance we read that, “many of the natives claim to be freeholders, and albeit their demands are not justifiable in law, yet you know how hard it is, and almost impossible to displant them, wherefore I wish that a consideration be made for some few of them albeit they were all in the late rebellion, and have now hearts and minds alike, and the rest of the lands to go to well-
chosen Undertakers and Servitors.”

Furthermore, provision had to be made for the Bishops and clergy of the now established Church, and hence Chichester recommends the establishing of lands for these. No more simple solution could be found than to appropriate for them the lands anciently held by the now dispossessed Catholic Church. When this is done, Chichester said, “no great care need be taken of the inferior natives, for they will all settle themselves and their dependancie either upon the Bishops Undertakers, or on the Irish who shall be established by His Majesty’s gracious favour, for most
of them are by nature inclined rather to be followers and tenants to others than lords and freeholders themselves.”

From the inquisition taken at Dungannon, 23 Aug., 7th James I (1609) before a jury of twenty four, twenty two of whom were of old gaelic stock, and at least two of whom, James O Shele and Edmond Oge O Hagan, were to become possessed of land in the parish, we learn that the Barony of Dungannon contains the Parish of Donaghmore, which contains.:-
Donaghmore – one ballibetagh
Ballimacahill – one ballibetagh
Clonivertie – one ballibetagh and 14 balliboes
Ballydonnelly – 24 balliboes
Ballymagullaght – 7 balliboes
Dungannon – 4 balliboes
Ballisallagh – one sessiogh
Ballygowen – 3 balliboes
The Carra – 8 balliboes
Ballydonnellyetra – 4 balliboes.

It is a sad reflection that the native jurors who gave this information, attended the Dungannon Inquisition because of their hostility to Hugh O’Neill. John Leigh, whose brother Daniel was one of the two non-native jurors, was Sheriff of Tyrone in 1608. He has left a short account which is preserved in the Carew MSS., and which tells us that he had noticed several kindred septs of the O Neills who were bitterly opposed to Tyrone.
“All that sept of the O Neales called the Sleughte Artes do deadly hate Tyrone’s sept.” In Clogher are two distinct septs, one of which are the sons of Shane, and their followers, who hate Tyrone.” The first juror on the list is Shane’s son, Henry; the second Sir Arthur’s eldest son, Turlough. We can take it that the other native jurors on the list were followers of these and friendly to the English party.

On the authority of these well-informed native jurors we have listed the old Celtic territorial divisions of land that made up the parish of Donaghmore in 1609. To set them down in this way, however, does not take us very far, for all but two of them – Donaghmore and Dungannon – are unknown in present-day nomenclature. Reference to the maps of the escheated counties for the Barony of Dungannon will show the letter press of most of these names, stretching in a rough and ready way over the balliboes and ballibetaghs they are intended to represent. The spelling in the documents and on the maps follows many vagaries. It is the work of English scribes and cartographers, and Irish official tradition is represented only by the oral testimony of the old inhabitants taken at the various Inquisitions.

Ballimacahill, though an extensive territory, is not marked on the 1609 map. It lay along the Donaghmore-Pomeroy road, and still remains as Ballymacaul. On Plate 3, 11, there is a townland in this district called Mallateecahell, which represents the Ballymacaul of to-day, but the Ballimacahill of the above list was a much more extensive territory. It is fairly certain that like Clonivertie, and Ballymagullagh, it contains some very ancient name.

Clonivertie, the next name on the list, is a very interesting one. The 1608 Inquisition gives it as Clonevarty; the 1609 one, Clonivertie. Dr. S. Ó Ceallaigh, in the Bulletin of the Ulster Placename Society, Vol. I. part 3, identifies it correctly as Clann Fhoghartaigh, and this identification brings us back to the Topographical Poems of Ó Dubhagain c. 1372 where we read :- .
“O Maoil Fhothartaigh, agus O hEodhosa, et O hOgain ar Chenel Tighearnaigh,”
or if you prefer it in verse :

“Ar Ceinel Tighearnaigh dteann
O Maoil Fhothartaigh airmheam
Maith a n-eolas-(s)a is a n-agh
Ui Eodhosa is Ui Ogain.”

The letterpress “Clonivertie” on Plate 3 ,II, covers much of what is now called the Gallbally district of Donaghmore Parish, but the exact location of the Clann Fhoghartaigh, or at least the strongpoint of their territory, is probably to be found in the placename “Lisferty.”

The Ballymagullagh of the above list enshrines a very ancient piece of nomenclature. It is represented on Plate 3, II, by the remarkable letterpress mac-eu-illah, and covers a number of townlands between Dungannon and Donaghmore. A 17th century scribe of the “Martial Career of Conghal Clairingheach” (Irish Texts Soc.) tells us that Conghal came to “Carn Maccu Buachalla in the centre of Ulster which is today called Ballydonnelly.” The editor of this tale, from an examination of the language, the writing, and the paper comes to the conclusion that his text is to be dated about 1650, and this opinion is endorsed by Thurneysen. The latter also tells us in Die irische Heldensage that the identifications of this text are very unreliable. But this much we have learned – that an unnamed 17th century scribe knew of a Cam Maccu Buachalla in Baile Ui Dhonnghaile. We do not know if the unknown scribe’s identification is correct, but it is exciting to find the place he refers to, in this piece of letterpress on Plate 3, 11. If we put the ‘béim’ on the second element, we can even hear the ring of the northern Irish as it was repeated by some Donaghmore ‘seanchaidhe’ for the English cartographer. It should be emphasized, too, that a mid-17th century scribe regarded Cam Maccu Buachalla, the Ballymagullagh of the above list, as being part of Ballydonnelly. The name still survives in a mangled form. The mangling process had begun as early as 1608. In the Inquisition of that year (Rawlinson A 237) we find it as Bally McWillagh containing ‘vi balliboes.’ The 1609 Inquisition, quoted above, gives it as Ballymagullaght, and it still lives in local speech as Ballymaquillagh, the name of the bridge on the railway-line between Dungannon and Donaghmore, on the title deeds of a number of farms in the district, and as the name of the Fort on the farm of Mr . Joseph Donaghy. With this Fort we reach the actual Carn of the Maccu Buachalla that is mentioned in the “Martial Career of Conghal Clairingheach” and the Táin. It is surprising to find a piece of Tain nomenclature so deep in the centre of Ulster .

Ballisallagh no longer exists as a placename, but then it was only one sessiogh or twenty acres. It is remarkable to find it listed at all, but at the time it must have been considered a place of importance.

Ballygowen, too, has disappeared but at least we can trace it. In the Inquisitions we find that it contains three balliboes that are named, Lissagoan, Mullachacrevey and Gallanagh. Lissagoan and Gallanagh have disappeared, and would seem to be absorbed in the large present-day townland of Mullaghcreavy.

Perhaps the most fascinating name on this list of fascinating names is “the Carra.” In this form which looks like an Irish nominative plural, it is now completely lost. We shall see a further reference to it later and show how it survives to the present time.,

Sufficient has been said already of the two Ballydonnellys. The last name on the list still survives in the rarely-used Clagganballydonnelly, now simply called Claggan, near the Rock.

An ancient territorial division of land in the Parish of Donaghmore, Ballymakaur, by accident or design was omitted from the above list. We shall meet with it again in the lands granted to Sir William Parsons, the Surveyor General of the Plantation.

The Parish of Donaghmore, then, according to the Old Irish jurors who attended the Dungannon Inquisition of 1609, and who must surely have attended in hope of getting some of the spoils, was an extensive place indeed. Embracing all the present parish, it included a number of townlands now in Dungannon, extended as far as. Baile na Carraige or the present Rock, took in nearly all the parish of Pomeroy, and ten or twelve townlands now in Killishell. It was therefore an extensive place, which, however, the Jury notes, has only a Vicar, the parish being impropriate, belonging to the Prior and Vicars Choral of Armagh, and 2/3 part of the tithe being the right of the parson, and 1/3 of the Vicar. It has a house, garden, and six acres of glebe land called Farrensagirt.

These Old Irish jurors were certainly well informed on ecclesiastical affairs. We have already shown how the rectory of Donaghmore became impropriate to the College of the Culdees, now with the Plantation called the Prior and Vicars Choral of Armagh. We must marvel at the audacity of the new lords who thus took over the old Catholic scheme of things and used it for their purpose. This audacity is all the more remarkable when we remember that in the parish of Donaghmore in 1609, there was scarcely a single Protestant. More than a year would pass before the first batch of tenants for the new landlords would arrive.

An extensive pre-Reformation parish like Donaghmore might well be expected to have extensive Church or erenagh lands. The jurors of the 1609 Inquisition knew very well what these were, and falling in line with the Plantation scheme found that the protestant Archbishop of Armagh, “is seized in his demesne, as of fee, in right of his see, of the following rents, custom, and services out of the erenagh lands in Dungannon Barony :-i.e. out of the erenagh lands of Donaghmore, containing 13 tullaghs, every tullagh containing one balliboe and one sessiogh, every sessiogh containing 1 of a balliboe, a yearly rent of £2, with 6s. 8d. Irish for every bloodshed, with a cosherie on the Archbishop’s visitation if he comes in person,” etc. Thus, by statute, the ancient church lands of Donaghmore were passed to the Protestant Archbishop of Armagh, and when we remember that all the erenagh lands of all the ancient parishes were given to him, we can realise what a wealthy potentate he became.

When we come to define the exact lands that were granted to him, we must quote from a later Inquisition, for the account of the termon and erenagh lands of the 1609 Inquisition is amplified by a more explicit list given in Pat. Rolls 18 Jas. I (Mar. 1620-Mar. 1621). This grant was made to Christopher, Lord Archbishop of Armagh, and it lists “the following erenagh lands in the parish of Donaghmore :-
Mullarewe Drombarne
Agharanny Tullydergaigh
Lehardan Ballybreagh
Mullamore Gavagh
Tullynure Tullaleagh
Rathlough Tullneegall
Tannagh Knocktemple,
excepting thereout one house, one garden and three acres of glebe land for the Vicar.

It seems likely that the Vicar’s glebe, the Farrensagirt of 1609, was in Knocktemple where the church was. There is however no trace of the name to-day. The name Knocktemple is now also unknown, though it remained in its native dress as Cnoc an Teampaill till recent times. Lehardan (Leath-Ardan) though marked on the O.S. is no longer used. All the other balliboes of erenagh land still remain and surround the ancient church on the hill. From time immemorial they had been farmed by the O Loughrans and even as late as the Hearth Money Rolls 1666, the chief tenant in each was a member of this ancient family.

We have already seen that one of the territories that made up the parish of Donaghmore in 1609 was “The Carra” containing eight balliboes.

It is exciting to find in the Inquisition of 1618 (Pat. Rolls Jas. I, Part II) that Christopher, Lord Archbishop of Armagh got a grant of the erenagh lands of Donaghcarr, containing the following :-
Lisgawan Mullyrudden
Agherahin Kilgawne
Drumconner Newhahill
Creve Fallerla
All these townlands are within the present parish and are in fact contiguous with the erenagh lands of Donaghmore already listed. Donaghcair it is fairly clear, gives under another form the Carra .of the 1609 Inquisition. We can go further and say that the name is still preserved in “Carland,” an indeterminate district, and the centre of a small, but proud and loyal Catholic community in the parish of Donaghmore.

Here then we have a lost Domhnach that at some stage had a proper parochia of its own. It is not mentioned in the medieval Episcopal Registers, nor is it noted in the Papal Taxation of 1302, and must therefore have been absorbed in Donaghmore at a very early stage. The Domhnach element points to a very early and even a Patrician foundation. It seems fairly safe to conclude that this was the place where the Fir Gabrae of the Vita Tripartita rejected St. Patrick, but St. Patrick predicted that they would come after a time, to his church, presumably Donaghmore, with their cíos and in winter. “Quod impletum est”

A piece of corroborative evidence for this conclusion might be forth-coming from an entirely independent source. It must be remembered that we are dealing with a time well before the advent of Cineal Eoghain or surnames. We are dealing with people-groups like Ui Tuirtre, Ui Niallain etc., groups that were pushed about in the subsequent centuries, but that nevertheless left their marks on the territories they inhabited.

If we turn to the list of Coarbs of St. Patrick (Bk. Lein., Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies 1954, p. 199) we find that the 13th entry on the list gives us a piece of remarkable information. It states :-
“Caurlan iiii o Domnuch meic hu Garba d’Uib Niallain.” In other words, Caurlan, the 13th Coarb of St. Patrick ruled in Armagh for four years. He was from the Domhnach of the “Meic hu Garba” in Ui Niallain. Could the Mic Ui Garba of the list of Coarbs be the same as the Fir Gabrae of the Tripartite, the men, who at first rejected St. Patrick but soon came to the fold? It might be objected that the Ui Niallain, which we have come to associate with the Kilmore-Loughgall district, did not extend so far north as to include the present parish of Donaghmore, yet no one has ever suggested a people-group to fill the gap between the Ui Niallain and the Ui Tuirtre in these early Christian centuries. In these early times the Ui Niallain and the Ui Tuirtre must have been contiguous, and one is tempted to suggest that “Carland” of today derives its
name from Caurlan, the 13th Coarb of St. Patrick. Formerly called Domnach Meic hu Garba, we can readily understand how it would change its name in honour of a distinguished member of that sept who reached the very highest position in the Irish Church. The Domhnach Meic hu Garba had its adjacent ,: Claggan, “the Clagganbally-donnelly already mentioned, and a relic of the ancient sept would seem to be preserved in the town land name, Mullnagore, which as late as Plantation times was called Mollagh Gaura. The fantastic etymology that talks of goats must be discarded.

There is nothing unusual in finding a member of the Mic Ui Garba reaching this position. Many of the Coarbs of St. Patrick about this time came from these two peoples of Ui Niallain and Ui Tuirtre. The man who succeeded Caurlan was Ecchaid Mac Diarmata of Domnuch Rigdruing, which may be one of the seven churches mentioned in the Tripartite Life as having been founded by St. Patrick in Ui Tuirtre. Several too were of the Ui Niallain.

This suggestion, put forward tentatively, may not be acceptable, and, coming back to the Inquisition of 1609, it does not explain “The Carra” or the second element of Donaghcarr. Perhaps the true explanation of the word is to be found in Cormac’s Glossary which gives the following :-
Carr 1. cam donither fair agus dichned derid fuil ann (a heap, carn, is made on it and there is an apocope, scil. of n, there). What makes the equiparation so cogent in the present case is the existence of a well-preserved “Carn” in Carland topped by a remarkable standing stone called “cloch corr” which gave its name to a subdivision of the townland of Lisnagleer.

So far we have dealt with the two parcels of erenagh lands, of Donaghmore and Donaghcarr , all of which are contained in the modern parish. In the Inquisition taken at Dungannon 16 Sept. 9 Car. I. (1633) the sub-denominations of these towns of erenagh land are given, fascinating place-names, almost all of which have completely disappeared, but all of which were well known when Chichester was implementing his iniquitous scheme of Plantation. That so many ancient placenames in Ireland have been preserved is indeed remarkable, but more remarkable still is the extermination from the local memory over the past three hundred years of so many interesting placenames. Out of his own mouth Chichester stands refuted, for even the findings of one of his own inquisitions rebut the notion that civil administration under the Gaelic Chiefs was at a low ebb. “Natives running up and down the country with their creaghts” could never have retained the memory of the identification and boundaries of so many minute parcels of land. And what names they are, ‘ag teacht chugainn aniar as óige an tsaoil!’ Now they are completely forgotten by the people who were reduced by Chichester and his successors “to a state of civility.”

“The territorie of Donaghcarre doth contain eight balliboes of land and is in the possession of the said Archbishop and his tenants, and doth lie in the said barony of Dungannon and county of Tyrone and is called by the several names of :

Mullaghruddon being one balliboe conteyning in parcells Coleleene, Knocknesparran, Mullaghneloghoge and Cavannecroe ;
Chrewe, 1 bb. conteyning in parcells (-) Dreemenoer and Dormdevenaghe;
Dromconnor, 1 bb. conteyning in parcells Aghnameghinmyneith, Rossenemee, Crewgort;
Coghfye al’Neheleylee, al’Lysnegleere, 1 bb. conteyning Mennerfeaghe and Cloghcorre ;
Aghcany conteyning in parcels Agheranbegge, Agheranmore, and Knockycackey;
Fallerea at’ Fautrey conteyning in parcels Tawnaghcantyn, Knockycanhvey, and Tawnavally;
Lysboy al’ Killagawragh conteyning Cavannasmeddyn, Cooleshannagh, Lysadowne and Achytyrconnell;
Lysgowe al’ Lysgawne 1 bb. conteyning in parcels Cavannebrannan, Knockydehalye, and Lysnesheeragh.

The said Archbishop and his tenants are possessed of the territorie of Donaghmore lying in the barony and county aforesaid and called by the several names of :-
Mullaghrea al’ Mullaghcrewe, 1 bb. conteyning in parcels Lysagoan and Gallanagh;
Laorton al’ Leaghhardan, 1 bb. conteyning Coolenacranaghan, Cavannaghcuran and Tawnaghleeve;
Ballenewre, 1 bb. conteyning Seleredan and Knockyquill;
Drombarne, 1 bb. conteyning Mullan and Karrerun;
Tullaghleege, 1 bb. conteyning Tullaghleaghe, Teenagh, Dromnedarogh, Mullon and Feagnagh ;
Recloghe al’ Rathelough, 1 bb. conteyning Aghencloghan, and Knock-macmahon;
Monneycronnatt, 1 bb. conteyning Knocksdarron and Mullaghanekege;
Tullaghnagall, 1 bb. conteyning Freaghbegge and Mullanbrack;
Garvaghye, 1 bb. conteyning Aughtenkilliagh and Mannadoone;
Ballebragh at’ Ballereagh, 1 bb. conteyning Ardoslogh, Lysnesky and Nalsky;
Tullaghedera al’ Tullagheddergeaghe, 1 bb. conteyning Cavannecarre and Aghennemanie;
Annagh al’ Enagh al’ Tannagh, 1 bb. conteyning Reaske-bullye and part of Tullylustre;
Agheranye, 1 bb. conteyning part of Tullylustre and Mullaghmore, is in the Lord Primate’s patent but in whose possession it is the Jury know not. There is a parcell of land called Knocktempell called Clagganlands about the Church of Donaghmore in the Archbishop and his Tenants’ possession.

The most diligent investigation has revealed the survival of only a few of these subdenominations. Cloghcorr, as already mentioned, still survives. A green hillock in the bog along the Donaghmore-Pomeroy road is still known as Knockstarn and is remembered in local tradition (recorded by Alfred McLean) as the place where the men of ’98 did their drilling.

Reaske-bullye may find an echo in the inelegant Bull’s Bray. Of the rest only a trace or two can be found. The spelling of these names in the Inquisition is helpful for anyone who tries to restore them-to their original gaelic forms. Tullydraw, for example, might baffle re-gaelicization but for its alias as given above, Tullagheddergeaghe, which gives us immediately Tulach-idir-dha-ath, a perfect description of this hill between two fords. Some of these names like Aghnameghinmyneigh, for which we would suggest Achadh-Cheim-an-Fhiaidh, have a very ancient appearance; others, like Achennemainie, Achadadh-na-Manach would seem to have an ecclesiastical origin. Has Achadh na Manach some connection with the Cross we have seen in this townland in pre-Plantation times?

The alias for Lisboy, i.e. Killagawragh pins down for ever the elusive Fir Gabrae of the Tripartite Life and it is surely a legitimate speculation that in Lysadowne (Lios a’ Domhnaigh) a subdivision of Lysboy we have the exact site of Donaghcarr, thus showing that Toponymy is indeed the handmaid of History. Chichester’s scheme not merely robbed us of our property; it eventually succeeded in corroding our minds.
References:The sources of this history are numerous and abound in information, and the principal ones may be listed as follows :-
1. The Ulster Plantation Papers 1610.
2. Maps made for the purpose of Plantation.
3. The various Inquisitions taken at Dungannon.
4. The Manor Court Rolls (1625-1627).
5. Leabhar Cinn Lae Uí Mheallain, 1641-1653.
6. The Armagh and Tyrone Depositions (same period as 5).
7. The Civil Survey, 1653.
8. The Down Survey, 1655-7.
9. The Books of Survey and Distribution.
10. The Hearth Money Rolls, 1666.

Roman Catholic Parish Records On Microfilm, Co. Tyrone

Irish Parish register copies/films held by the Society of Genealogists in London
Catalogue film numbers – Australian Society of Genealogists

NLI = National Library of Ireland.

PRONI = Public Records Office of Northern Ireland

LDS = Latter Day Saints Library

Parish records do not all contain the same information – some list only the names of those directly involved in the event – some list the townlands or addresses of these people – some marriage records will list the names of the parents of those being married and the towland that they came from – while, then there are parish records that list only the names of the people inivolved in the event giving no indcation as to where they lived.

Where anything is known as to the state of the film – i.e. whether the script is eay to read, the ink faded, the entries clearly defined, then this information is listd on these pages – it will be added to as time goes by. Some indication is also give as to the information contained on the film, however, this can only be taken to refer to the time frame that the extracts cover as different Priests changed the format of their entries.

Please note, that while it may be very exciting to discover that records exist for the parish you are interested in, continuously from the mid-1700′s to 1880 – do not place too much emphasis on that fact, records that are so old tend to be in bad condition, sometimes so faded as to be illegible. Unfortunately, the same, unfortunately can also be said for some records that were created in the mid-1800′s.

Aughintaine R.C. parish – see Clogher

Diocese of Armagh

Aghaloo – Ardboe – Ardtrea & Desertcreight – Ballinderry – Ballintacker – Clonfeacle – Clonoe Coagh – Coalisland & Stewartstown – Desertcreightt – Donaghenry – Donaghmore – Dungannon – Errigal Kieran – Kildress – Killeeshil – Tullyallen – Lissan – Pomeroy – Termonmaguirk -

Diocese of Clogher
Aghalurcher – Clogher – Donagheavey – Dromore – Errigal Truagh – Fivemiletown – Kilskeery-

Diocese of Derry
Ardstraw East – Ardstraw West – Badoney Lower & Greencastle – Badoney Upper – Camus (Strabane/Clonleigh) – Cappagh – Donaghedy – Drumragh – Langfield – Learmount (Cumber Upper) – Leckpatrick – Mourne – Termonamongan

Aghaloo (Caledon)– also includes details for the chapel at Aughnacloy in Carnteel parish)
Baptisms: Jan 1st, 1846 – Dec 31st, 1880
Marriages: Jan 2nd, 1832 – May 29th, 1834
Oct 2nd, 1837 – Nov 21st, 1880
National Library Ireland (NLI) Pos. 5585

Aughaloe (Aughaloo, Aughnacloy) R.C. Parish records – Index to all children baptised 1846

Arboe (Ardboe) Londonderry & Tyrone
Baptisms Nov 9th, 1827 – Dec 30th, 1860 & Jan 1st, 1861 – Dec 10th 1880
Marriages: Nov 12th, 1827 – Dec 12th, 1861 & Jan 5th, 1862 – Dec 27th, 1880
Burials – None
National Library of Ireland (NLI) Pos. 5583
Public Records Office Northern Ireland MIC.1D/34
Ladder Day Saints Library : BFA 0926029 ??0979709

Arboe R.C. Baptismal Extracts on the County Tyrone

Ardtrea & Desertcreat (Artrea – Artrea & Derertlin – Moneymore) (Magherafelt)
Baptisms: July 1st, 1832 – March 28th, 1834
Jan 20th, 1838 – Feb 16th, 1843
Nov 1st, 1854 – Feb 21st, 1869
Jan 18th, 1864 – June 14th, 1880
Marriages: April 14th, 1830 – July 12th, 1843
Nov 12th, 1854 – Feb 6th, 1869
NLI Pos. 5584
LDS BFA 0926030

Ballinderry – Co’s. Tyrone & Londonderry
Baptisms: Dec 19th, 1826 – Oct 30th, 1838 & Sept 25th, 1841 – Dec 18th, 1880
Marriages: Jan 10th, 1827 – Nov 7th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5581

Baptisms: Sept 26th, 1822 – Dec 26th, 1880
Marriages: July 11th, 1834 – Dec 3rd, 1880
NLI Pos. 5584

Clonfeacle (Moy)
Baptisms: Oct 16th, 1814 – March 22nd, 1840
Aug 25th, 1840 – Dec 26th, 1880
Marriages: Nov 9th, 1814 – March 19th, 1840
April 23rd, 1840 – Oct 14th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5580
LDS BFA 0979708 items 2-3

Baptisms: Feb 15th, 1810 – May 23rd, 1816
July 21st, 1810 – Feb 13th, 1812
Oct 2nd, 1822 – April 16th, 1850
April 14th, 1850 – Dec 21st, 1880
Marriages: Dec 3rd, 1806 – June 25th, 1816
Jan 6th, 1823 – Jan 11th, 1850
April 26th, 1850 – Nov 27th, 1880
Burials: Dec 11th, 1806 – May 31st, 1816
NLI Pos. 5579

Baptisms: Dec 21st, 1865 – Oct 17th, 1880
Marriages: Dec 25th, 1865 – Nov 26th, 1879
NLI Pos. 5582

Coagh R.C. Baptismal Extracts – on the County Tyrone

Coalisland & Stewartstown
Baptisms: Dec 24th, 1861 – Aug 18th, 1880
Marriages: May 9th, 1862 – Feb 6th, 1879
Burials: Nov 15th, 1861 – March 4th, 1868
NLI Pos. 5583
LDS BFA 0979709 item 3
Coalisland – see also Donaghhenry

Cookstown (Desertcreight/Desertcreat) – Co’s. Tyrone & Londonderry
Baptisms: Jan 2nd 1827 – Dec 28th, 1851
Jan 1st 1852 – Sept 10th, 1858
Oct 17th, 1858 – Dec 19th, 1880
Marriages: Jan 23rd, 1827 – Sept 8th, 1858
Jan 23rd, 1859 -Dec 4t, 1880
NLI Pos. 5585

Notes on these records & Extracts Baptisms 1852-

Donaghenry (R.C. Parish Stewartstown – Ballyclog; Ballyclug)
Baptisms: Jan 1st, 1822 – Dec 22nd, 1840
Feb 16th, 1849 – Dec 23rd, 1880
Marriages: Jan 1st, 1822 – Dec 26th, 1840
May 28th, 1853 – Nov 16th, 1880
Burials: Jan 1st, 1822 – Jan 27th, 1839
Jan 15th, 1854 – May 18th, 1868
NLI Pos. 5583
PRONI MIC.1D/8, 34
LDS BFA 0979709 item 2

Donaghmore (see Killeeshill)
Baptisms: Feb 24th, 1837 – Dec 24th, 1870
Jan 11th, 1871 – Dec 31st, 1880
Marriages: March 7th, 1837 – July 30th, 1868
NLI Pos. 5582
PRONI MIC.1D/ 33-34
LDS BFA 0979709 item 1

Dungannon – Tyrone & Armagh
Baptisms: Oct 14th, 1821 – Oct 30th, 1826
Oct 25th, 1826 – Dec 2nd, 1829
April 24th, 1830 – July 9th, 1833
Aug 11th, 1833 – June 10th, 1834
Aug 3rd, 1834 – Dec 30th, 1851
Jan 4th, 1852 – Dec 31st, 1880
Marriages: Oct 6th, 1821 – Oct 30th, 1826
Oct 30th, 1826 – Dec 10th, 1829
May 2nd, 1831 – May 26th, 1833
Aug 23rd, 1833 – Nov 12th, 1834
June 16th, 1834 – Dec 29th, 1851
Jan 3rd, 1854 – Nov 20th, 1880
Burials: Oct 11th, 1821 – June 7th, 1826
Nov 7th, 1826 – Nov 24th, 1829
April 26th, 1831 – May 30th, 1833
Aug 13th, 1833 – June 1st, 1834
July 3rd, 1834 – Dec 29th, 1854
Jan 4th, 1852 – Dec 31st, 1880
NLI Pos. 5580 and Pos. 5581
PRONI MIC.1D/31-32
LDS BFA 0926038 items 1-3

Errigal Kieran
Baptisms: Jan 3rd, 1847 – Dec 28th, 1880
Marriages: Jan 14th 1864 – Dec 16th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5584

Baptisms: Jan 4th, 1835 – Dec 6th, 1852
Jan 11th, 1857 – Aug 10th, 1859
Jan 6th, 1861 – Feb 17th, 1865
Jan 2nd, 1878 – Dec 6th, 1880
Marriages: March 15th, 1835 – Jan 29th, 1876
Jan 7th, 1840 – Feb 19th, 1851
Jan 10th, 1878 – Dec 4th, 1880
Burials: March 6th, 1835 – Dec 24th, 1842
NLI Pos. 5586

Baptisms: August 10th, 1845 – Dec 27th, 1856
Jan 14th, 1857 – Dec 21st, 1880
Marriages: Sept 3rd, 1845 – Dec 31st, 1856
Jan 14th, 1857 – Dec 14th, 1880
Burials: Aug 13th, 1845 – Dec 16th, 1856
Jan 14th, 1857 – Jan 27th, 1875
Nov 4th 1880 – Dec 1880
NLI Pos. 5582
PRONI MIC.???????

Baptisms: Jan 1st, 1816 – Jan 2nd, 1834
March 2nd, 1837 – Aug 24th 1844
Jan 14th 1849 – Dec 25th, 1880
Marriages: Jan 3rd, 1816 – Jan 2nd, 1834
April 3rd, 1837 – July 29th, 1844
Jan 9th, 1849 – Nov 14th, 1880
Burials: Jan 2nd, 1816 – May 29th, 1834
March 5th, 1837 – Aug 22nd, 1844
NLI Pos. 5582 and Pos. 5599

Baptisms: July 22nd, 1823 – Dec 30th, 1880
Marriages: Sept 1st, 1839 – Nov 20th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5585

Baptisms: Feb 26th, 1837 – Nov 24th, 1840
Dec 5th, 1841 – May 2nd, 1852
April 21st, 1857 – Aug 3rd, 1865
Feb 1st, 1869 – Dec 9th, 1880
Marriages: March 5th, 1837 – Dec 11th 1840
Dec 5th, 1841 – June 10th, 1865
July 11th, 1869 – Dec 25th, 1880
Burials: March 7th, 1837 – Dec 5th, 1840
April 20th, 1857 – April 12th, 1861
July 27th, 1871 – Dec 30th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5585

Notes on this film and record extracts Baptisms 1869; Marriages 1869; Burials 1871 & 1872

Baptisms: Dec 7th, 1834 – Feb 9th, 1857
Marriages: Oct 23rd, 1834 – Dec 31st, 1857
NLI Pos. 5584

Aughalurcher (Lisnaskea & Maguiresbridge) Fermanagh & Tyrone
Baptisms: Oct 19th, 1835 – Dec 28th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5569
Latter Day Saints Library (LDS) BFA 979704 item 6

Clogher parishes, 1836 – Clogher parishes, 1846

Clogher (Aughintaine records)
Baptisms: April 12th, 1856 – April 13th, 1857
April 18th, 1857 – Dec 23rd, 1880
Marriages: Sept 28th, 1825 – Nov 10th, 1835
March 1840 – Feb 19th, 1857
April 22nd, 1857 – Oct 21st, 1880
NLI Pos. 5567

Baptisms: Nov 24th, 1857 – Dec 14th, 1880
Marriages: Oct 26th, 1857 – Nov 25th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5571
LDS BFA 0926051 items 1-2

Baptisms: Nov 1st, 1835 – Dec 30th, 1864
Jan 1st, 1865 – Dec 19th, 1880
Marriages: Oct 21st, 1833 – Nov 23rd, 1864
Jan10th, 1865 – Nov 23rd, 1880
NLI Pos. 5568
LDS BFA 0926052 items 1-2

Errigal Truagh
Baptisms: Nov 1st 1835 – June 20th, 1852
March 24th, 1861 – Dec 29th, 1880
Marrriages: Dec 1st, 1837 – July 28th, 1849
Jan 28th, 1862 – May 27th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5576

Baptisms: Nov 14th, 1870 – Dec 28th, 1880
Marriages: Nov 18th, 1870 – Jan 13th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5569
LDS BFA 0979704 items 1-2

Oct 3rd, 1840 – June 15th, 1862
June 19th, 1862 – Feb 18th, 1870
Jan 27th, 1870 – Dec 24th, 1880
Marriages: Aug 30th, 1840 – May 27th, 1862
July 17th, 1862 – Feb 27th, 1870
Feb 3rd, 1870 – March 1st, 1880
NLI Pos. 5568
LDS BFA 0926054 items 1-4

Ardstraw East (Newtownstewart)
Baptisms: Dec 18th, 1861 – Dec 24th, 1880
Marriages: Dec 1860 – Oct 13th, 1880
NLI po. 5765

Ardstraw West
Baptisms: June 3rd, 1846 – March 10th, 1850
Jan 18th, 1852 – Jan 30th, 1877
Nov 23rd, 1873 – Dec 19th, 1880
Dec 25th, 1877 – Dec 25th, 1880
Marriages: May 15th, 1843 – April 7th, 1878
Feb 10th 1880 – Oct 27th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5767

Marriages: Feb 10th – Oct 27th 1880 – One faded page

Marriages – May 15th 1843-April 7th 1878
63 pages, mixed bag re quality. Writing generally bad

Baptisms: Dec 25th 1877-Dec 26th 1880 – 6 pages, not great quality
Baptisms: nov 23rd 1873-Dec 19th 1880 – 28 pages, not great, faded.
Baptisms: June 3rd 1846-March 10th 1850 – Jan 18th 1852-Jan 30th 1887
BAD quality. 64 pages.
Badoney Lower & Greencastle
Baptisms: Oct 31st, 1866 – Dec 24th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5765

Badoney Upper
Baptisms: Oct 31st, 1866 (Plumbridge)
NLI Pos. 5765

Baptisms: April 1st, 1773 – Feb 22nd, 1795
Jan 10th, 1836 – May 18th, 1837
March 3rd, 1853 – Sept 7th, 1879
March 12th, 1853 – March 25th, 1870
May 1st, 1864 – Dec 31st, 1880
Marriages: August 1788 – Sept 14th, 178??? (1781 on film)
1843 – 1879
Nov 14th, 1853 – April 20th, 1870
Sept 16th, 1879 – Nov 13th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5766

Baptisms: July 16th, 1843 – Dec 6th, 1880
June 12t, 1846 – Oct 1863 (1 page only)
Marriages: July 24th, 1843 – Nov 20th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5766 & pos. 5765
PRONI MIC.1D/ 60-61

Baptisms: April 1st, 1854 – June 28th, 1863 (Dunamanagh)
Sept 1st, 1853 – Dec 11th, 1880
Marriages: Nov 11th, 1857 – July 11th, 1859 (Dunamanagh)
?Dec 1862 – May 1863
Burials: Dec 4th, 1857 – July 15th, 1859
NLI Pos. 5761
PRONI MIC.1D/ 55-56

Baptisms: May 1846 – Nov 1846
Nov 13th, 1853 – Dec 22nd, 1880 – indexed
Marriages: June 1846 – August 1846
Nov 7th, 1853 – Dec 26th, 1880
Burials : May 1846 – Sept 1846
Nnov 23rd, 1853 – Dec 11th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5765

Baptisms: Sept 6th, 1846 – Dec 18th, 1880
Marriages: Sept 17th, 1846 – Oct 18th, 1880
Burials: July 18th, 1853 – Feb 2nd, 1856
NLI Pos. 5765

Learmount (Cumber Upper)
BaptismsMay 18th, 1863 – Dec 27th, 1880
Marriages: Sept 20th, 1863 – Dec 28th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5762

Baptisms: Sept 13th, 1863 – Dec 12th, 1880 (Strabane)
Marriages: Oct 25th, 1863 – Nov 16th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5767
Leckpatrick (Strabane)
Marriages Oct 25th 1863-Nov 16th 1880
About 7 pages of records, faded, some ok to read.

Baptisms: Poor Quality – about 32 pages in all.
Baptisms: Jan 6th, 1866 – Dec 29th, 1880
Marriages: April 1st, 1866 – Dec 3rd, 1880 – transcript
NLI Pos. 5766 note: Mourne is also mentioned on Pos. 5767

Baptisms: March 28th, 1863 – Dec 29th, 1880
Marriages: Sept 12th, 1863 – Nov 13th, 1880
NLI Pos. 5765

Lisnaskea District Marriage Records, Co. Fermanagh

This page features civil Marriage Records for the district of Lisnaskea in Co. Fermanagh and includes full names (where possible), the year of marriage, and the quarter in which the marriage occurred. A searchable index of all available marriage records is available here.

Name Year Quarter
Alice Howe 1915 2nd
Andrew Kenny 1869
Ann Steen 1855
Anne Connolly ors Elliott 1860
Anne Mulloy 1865
Arthur Brannigan 1916 1st
Catherine Adams 1861
Catherine Kenny 1865
Catherine Murray 1865
Catherine Pogue 1856
Charlotte Hoey 1917 1st
Charlotte Hoey 1915 4th
Edward Cleary 1864
Eliza Jane Vance 1846
Eliza McWilliams 1846
Eliza Perry 1864
Eliza Steen 1857
Elizabeth Kenny 1871
Franics Porter 1860
George Whitely 1863
Hannah Hoey 1864
Henry Dennett 1855
Isabella Aud 1899 3rd
Isabella Hoey 1917 2nd
James Anderson 1845
James Ferris 1860
James McQuaid 1896 2nd
James McQuaide 1897 4th
James Worrall 1865
Jane Anne Adams 1861
Jane Hoey 1864
Jane Steene 1857
Jane Taylor 1849
Jason Taylor 1849
John Breslin 1876
John Hasard 1848
John Hillock 1876
John Kelly 1845
Margaret Gillece 1892 2nd
Margaret McQuaid 1896 1st
Margaret McQuaid 1896 2nd
Mary Anderson 1845
Mary Ann Foster 1870
Mary Anne Haire 1895 4th
Mary Dunlop 1879 2nd
Mary McQuaid 1894 1st
Mary Slowey 1867
Mary Slowey 1867
Minna Keys 1878 1st
Nathaniel Wilson 1847
Patrick Cassidy 1873
Rebecca Hoey 1921 4th
Robert Abraham 1861
Robert Toombs 1863
Robert Whitley 1894 1st
Robert Wilson 1851
Thomas Emerson 1857
Thomas Howe 1915 3rd
Thomas Knox 1879 3rd
William Allen 1861
William Fyfe 1873
William Irvine Emerson 1910 3rd
William Murphy 1896 2nd
William Phair 1896 1st
William Strong 1896 4th

Civil Registration Records

Irvinestown District Marriage Records, Co. Fermanagh

This page features civil Marriage Records for the district Irvinestown in Co. Fermanagh and includes full names (where possible), the year of marriage, and the quarter in which the marriage occurred. A searchable index of all available marriage records is available here.

Name Year Quarter
Alice Gallagher 1865
Annabella Spear 1898 2nd
Annabella Speer 1898 2nd
Anne Gallagher 1865
Anne Kennedy 1864
Anne McQuoid 1865
Archibald McGaghy 1864
Catherine Branden 1865
Catherine J. Speer 1909 2nd
Catherine Murray 1865
Charles Finn 1867
David Goan 1865
Edward Kerr 1879 1st
Edward McQuade 1894 2nd
Elizabeth Galbraith 1865
Elizabeth Mary Spear 1898 4th
Elizabeth Mary Speer 1898 4th
Elizabeth Whitley 1864
Francis McQuaid 1895 1st
George Allen 1861
George Gallagher 1865
George Kennedy 1864
Hugh Gallagher 1865
Hugh Porter 1849
James Connolly 1895 3rd
James Emery 1866
James McKeraghan 1889 2nd
James McKerihan 1889 2nd
James Mills 1883 2nd
Jane Funston 1871
John Adams 1846
John Aiken 1861
John Gallagher 1865
John Gallagher 1865
John Gallogly 1865
John Goodfellow 1865
Margaret McQuade 1896 1st
Margaret McQuaid 1896 1st
Margaret Newet 1880 3rd
Mary Adams 1846
Mary Anne Emery 1863
Mary Anne Keown 1879 1st
Mary Gallagher 1865
Mary Jane Brimstone 1876
Mary Jane Cassiday 1876
Mary Jane Funston 1871
Mary Jane McQuaid 1897 2nd
Mary Martin 1860
Mary McQuaid 1895 1st
Michael Gallagher 1865
Michael Gallagher 1872
Oliver Emery 1864
Owen Connolly 1896 1st
Peter Gallagher 1873
Rebecca Acheson 1861
Robert Achison 1855
Robert Whitely 1867
Sidney Porter 1849
Susan Kidney 1879 4th
Thomas Gallagher 1865
Thomas Gollogher 1865
Thomas Kennedy 1866
Thomas Porter 1860
William Anderson 1845
William Callaghan 1856
William Mackey 1860
William McQuade 1897 1st
William McQuade 1894 4th
William Porter 1860
William Spear 1898 2nd

Civil Registration Records

Enniskillen District Marriage Records, Co. Fermanagh

This page features civil Marriage Records for the district of Enniskillen in Co. Fermanagh and includes full names (where possible), the year of marriage, and the quarter in which the marriage occurred. A searchable index of all available marriage records is available here.

Name Year Quarter
Abraham Wilson 1847
Alexander Elliott 1853
Alexander Elliott 1853
Alexander Howe 1915 1st
Alexander Steen 1855
Alexander Wilson 1846
Alexander Wilson 1846
Alice Cassidy 1873
Alice Kenny 1866
Andrew Elliott 1853
Anne Aiken 1861
Anne Dawson ors Shea 1853
Anne Earls ors Elliott 1851
Anne Fausset 1854
Anne Ferris 1860
Anne Fitzpatrick ors Harris 1854
Anne Frazer 1854
Anne Gallagher 1873
Anne Jane Wilson 1851
Anne Nolan 1894 3rd
Anne Vance 1850
Annie Elizabeth Howe 1916 1st
Bessy Thompson 1847
Bridget Kenigan 1865
Bridget Kilroy 1865
Bridget Lyons 1890 1st
Catherine Brown 1849
Catherine Hoe 1876
Catherine Keyes 1878 1st
Catherine McKernan 1890 1st
Catherine Neely 1846
Charles Cleary 1876
Charles Fox 1849
Christian Brown 1849
Christopher Brown 1849
Christopher Porter 1845
Edward Elliott 1852
Edward Kerr 1879 4th
Eleanor Blair 1849
Eliza Elkins 1852
Eliza Elliott 1853
Eliza Wilson 1847
ELizabeth Alexander 1861
Elizabeth Bacon Hassard 1855
Elizabeth Elliott 1852
Elizabeth Elliott 1852
Elizabeth Hassard 1855
Elizabeth Hinds 1870
Elizabeth McGahy 1865
Elizabeth Phoebe Howe 1918 2nd
Elizabeth Porter 1876
Elizabeth Wilson 1851
Frances Toland 1846
Frances Wilson ors Bell 1851
George Brown 1860
George Dixon 1853
Hassard 1855
Henery Lewis Wheatley 1868
Henry Lewis Wheatley 1868
Hester Brownlee 1849
Honor Nolan 1894 3rd
Hugh Acheson 1851
Hugh Cassidy 1873
Hugh Flanigan 1854
Hugh Lynch 1848
Isaac Emerson 1852
Isaac Haddock 1853
Isabella Blackburne 1870
Isabella Earls 1851
Isabella Howe 1915 3rd
Isaih Haire 1896 1st
James Acheson 1846
James Eklin 1853
James Elliott 1851
James Gillece 1892 1st
James Hinds 1868
James Hoey 1864
James Hoy 1921 2nd
James J. McCormack 1906 2nd
James King 1870
James Kirkpatrick 1869
James Rice 1909 3rd
James Robertson 1909 3rd
James Whitley 1898 2nd
James Wilson 1849
James Wilson 1849
Jane Adams 1846
Jane Cleary 1846
Jane Elliott 1853
Jane Hilliard 1876
Jane Hillyard 1876
Jane Hursh ors Burgess 1851
Jane Porter 1849
Jane Whitley 1867
Jane Wilson 1846
Jane Wilson 1847
John C. Dunlop 1879 4th
John Cassidy 1873
John Cleary 1854
John Dane 1853
John Dunlop 1883 3rd
John Earls 1853
John Elliott 1851
John Elliott 1853
John Emery 1863
John Fitzsimons 1854
John Henry Lucas 1908 3rd
John Higgins 1884 1st
John Howe 1919 4th
John Hoy 1857
John Kirk 1869
John McGarry 1893 2nd
John Noble 1894 3rd
john Vance 1847
John Vance 1847
John William Ellison 1851
John Wilson 1851
Joseph Hodgens 1876
Joseph Kilpatrick 1870
Joseph Vance 1847
Lizzie Dunlop 1880 4th
Margaret Aiken 1861
Margaret Aiken 1861
Margaret Crooks 1868
Margaret Donnelly 1853
Margaret Earles 1852
Margaret Frazier 1849
Margaret Howe 1915 4th
Margaret Jane Emmerson 1910 2nd
Margaret Nolan 1891 1st
Margaret Ryan 1887 3rd
Margaret Taylor 1846
Margaret Ternan 1849
Margaret Whitely 1864
Margaret Willy ors Collins 1847
Martin Kimmage 1864
Martin McNamara 1854
Mary A. Rogers 1909 1st
Mary Anne Abercromie 1845
Mary Anne Browne 1849
Mary Anne Cassidy 1873
Mary Anne Wilson 1847
Mary Anne Wilson 1849
Mary Brownlee 1849
Mary Brunt 1849
Mary Cahil 1895 4th
Mary Farlow 1854
Mary Howe 1917 1st
Mary J. Wilson 1849
Mary Jane Fair 1854
Mary Jane Hoey 1915 1st
Mary McGahey 1864
Mary Wilson 1851
Matilda Elliott 1853
Michael Cassidy 1873
Michael King 1879 3rd
Michael McKernan 1889 2nd
Michael McPartland 1865
Noah Dundass 1885 3rd
Noble Hilliard 1865
Patrick Breen 1849
PAtrick Harren 1884 4th
Patrick Lynch 1898 3rd
Patt Fairey 1854
Patt Farrey 1854
Ralph Brown 1849
Rebecca Sadlier 1894 3rd
Robert Brown 1860
Robert Elliott 1851
Robert Foster 1854
Robert Whitley 1893 4th
Rose Cleary 1849
Rose Cleary 1850
Rose Howe 1920 4th
Samuel Grey 1849
Samuel Porter 1884 3rd
Sarah Elliott 1853
Sarah Gilleece 1889 2nd
Sarah Taylor 1847
Sarah Whitley 1864
Susan Elliott 1852
Susanne Elliott 1851
Sydney Curtis 1864
Thomas Anderson 1866
Thomas Burns 1849
Thomas Clarke 1847
Thomas Douglas 1853
Thomas Easton 1853
Thomas Elliott 1852
Thomas Ewart 1851
Thomas Gallagher 1873
Thomas Heron 1882 2nd
Thomas Heron 1882 2nd
Thomas Howe 1915 4th
Thomas Kennedy 1873
Thomas Kenny 1879 3rd
Thomas Made 1849
Thomas Wilson 1847
William Albert 1861
William Elliott 1851
William Elliott 1852
William Elliott 1853
William H. H. Howe 1916 4th
William Hillard 1867
William Hodgson 1865
William J. Emerson 1910 2nd
William John Warrington 1890 2nd
William Mills 1884 1st
William Wilson 1847

Civil Registration Records

Marriage Records, Armagh People, Halifax, Nova Scotia, 1818-40

This page features 11 free records for people of Armagh who were married in Halifax, Nova Scotia between the years of 1818 and 1840.

Surname Name Year Address
Carr Mary 1823 Newtownhamilton, Co. Armagh
Coney Julia 1839 Co. Armagh
Magee Ellen 1835 Co. Armagh
McCann Sarah 1823 Newtownhamilton, Co. Armagh
McGee Thomas 1839 Co. Armagh
Mulholland Patrick 1840 Co. Armagh
Murphy Mary 1840 Co. Armagh
Murrough Judith 1835 Co. Armagh
Shortt Joanna 1840 Co. Armagh
Thompson Eleanor 1840 Co. Armagh
Rice Rosana 1827 Armagh Town (born in Limerick)

Back to County Armagh Genealogy.

Old Alms Houses, Co. Dublin

Published in Dublin Historical Record, Vol. V, 1942-43 pp. 15-40


“The Most Charitable City In The World”, is an expression often heard applied to the City of Dublin and certainly the expression appears to be deserved, for on all sides charities abound for the needs of the truly deserving. As a subject for this paper I have chosen what I believe to be the oldest form of charity, the alms-houses; the subject is of sufficient interest to merit its being regarded as a “bit of Old Dublin,” for these old houses (known by various names, Hospital, Refuge, Charity House, Alms House, Widows’ House, etc.) form a link with the Dublin of old in relation to the care of the poor, the aged, and the infirm. That these alms-houses have survived the passing of centuries is a tribute to the generosity of the many benefactors who endowed them sufficiently well to enable them to overcome the change in money values with the passing years; of course all the alms-houses were not endowed, or were so insufficiently as to be dependent on other sources of income, charity-sermons, etc.; in most cases such houses are, or were, what might be termed Parochial Alms-houses and a charge on the parishes in which they were situate. I have endeavoured to include in this short paper a number of well-known alms-houses, as well as some more lowly ones and beg to be excused if I have omitted some of the most interesting.
A number of these old charitable institutions are described in Warburton, Whitelaw and Walsh’s History of Dublin, 1818 (WW&W), and I have derived a lot of my information about the original foundation of the alms-houses from that book, and have received much help from several of the persons in charge and trustees of these institutions; it is noteworthy that so many alms-houses and other charities existing in 1818 are still with us and still carrying on their excellent work in the cause of the aged and distressed.

This is one of the oldest of Dublin’s alms- houses and certainly one of the best organised ; the original building dated back to the year 1670, when it was erected by the bounty of the Corporation of the City of Dublin, in Queen Street, at the south-eastern angle of Oxmantown Green, but since rebuilt about the centre of the same spacious area. Originally it was intended to receive and support the aged and infirm of the City, is well as the children of such poor, to whom an appropriate education was to be given; but owing to the decline in donations the Governors were compelled to revise their intention, and so from 1680 the charity was confined to the sons and grandsons of decayed citizens. The Charter granted by Charles II gives a long account of the reasons for establishing the School, speaking of the charity felt by some citizens of Dublin for “such as through Age, Sickness, or other Accidents, are reduced to Poverty”; and also of the benefit of “the Good Education and Instruction of youth.” The Charter granted to the ” “Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons, and Citizens of Our City of Dublin” a piece of land on Oxmantown Green, near Dublin, on which the Hospital had already begun to be built, to be held free of rent for ever. The Corporation were to maintain the said house as “a Mansion House, and Place of Abode for the Sustentation and Relief of poor Children, aged and impotent People,” and there was to be appointed “an able, learned, pious and orthodox Minister . . . to read Divine Service and preach and teach the word of God . . .and catechize such Children as shall be in the said Hospital or Free School,” which was to be called “The Hospital and Free-School of King Charles the Second.” The Charter laid down very definite rules and laws for the Governors of the School and so the institution was got into working order in the new building on Oxmantown Green. The school presented an uninteresting and irregular appearance, but it was spacious and convenient, and had room to spare, for in it the Irish Parliament sat frequently in the early eighteenth century, before the erection of the noble edifice in College Green. On the hospital becoming decayed and ruinous, it was decided to rebuild it on the present site, where the first stone was laid on the 16th June, 1773, by the Earl of Harcourt, then Lord Lieutenant. To describe it is outside the purpose of this piper, but may be said that the present building is one that we all may feel proud of, in as much as it adds to what Dublin is famous for, the finest buildings in the world.

In the history of the Dublin Guilds, the tradition of the Guilds’ activity in the cause of charity was carried on by the Guild Merchant in the seventeenth century, for at the mid-summer assembly in the year 1668 a petition was presented by certain of the brethren, that a grant should be made, “Lest so pious a work as the building of the Alms-house now in hands should be discontinued for want of the necessary supply of money for erecting the fabrick thereof.” It was ordered by the Assembly that the fines of Freemen, admitted that day, should be bestowed towards the building of the Hospital. (It was in 1669 that a committee was appointed by the Common Council of the City of Dublin, to take steps for the erection of a hospital for “the poore and aged, as well men as women, and the fatherless and motherless children that have not freinds nor estates to live uppon.”) At an Assembly held on the 12th April, 1675, it was ordered by the Masters, Wardens, and Brethren of the Guild “that four poor boys be placed in the New Hospital on the account of the Guild, and that £3 he given with each boy towards his present maintenance and education.”
And so we leave the Hospital and Free School of King Charles the Second, commonly called the “Bluecoat School,” believing that the coats worn by the persons who first entered within its doors were not blue, but ragged.


The alms-house of St. Michan’s is to be found in the churchyard, a quaint little house showing the traces of the numerous years of its existence; on the face of this small house are two inscribed tablets, and by going to a little trouble, such as climbing a ladder, as I have done, the following inscription can be read on the first : “This house was built and endowed by Edward Riley, Esq. for the support of 4 poor widows, the ground thereof bestowed for that purpose by the Rev. Dean Clayton, Prebendary of Christ Church, administerer of the Parish of St. Michans, A.D. 1720.”
On the second tablet are the words: “This almshouse was rebuilt, A.D. 1833, by Rev. John Rowley, LL.D., Rector; William North, and John Murphy, Esquires, Churchwardens.”
Inside the alms-house is a large notice-board, secured to the wall, on which the names of the occupants were inscribed ; it is a tribute to the passing of time that no names are now visible, the paint having peeled off. There is only one widow in occupation now, and the rules have been relaxed in order that a relative may reside to care for this lone occupant of one of Dublin’s oldest alms-houses.

This is one of the alms-houses which I find of interest when passing on a summer day, for then the steps leading up to the door provide seating accommodation for a number of old-age pensioners, of the male sex, who pass the time smoking, and discussing the problems of life in general: they are, apparently, never disturbed from their restful positions by the passing in and out of the inmates and it may be said that this alms-house “of life, gives no sign” yet, in fact, it is a very well-ordered establishment, having as its object the care of widows of householders of St. Mary’s Parish. Formerly it also cared for children in addition to widows, but this was considered unsatisfactory and part of the endowment was set aside that the children might be cared for in a school. The widows are provided with a room, fuel, lighting, and bread, and in cases where the widows have no means, a weekly cash allowance is made, so that the lot of the inmates is made as easy as possible. That the house was not quite so comfortable a little over a century ago may be considered from the following report, published in 1818, in WW &W
“This edifice, 60 feet by 36 in the clear, is substantially built of stone, the quoins, jambs of windows, etc., being of hewn mountain granite. It consists of three stories exclusive of the basement, which is below the level of the street, and has a spacious area in front and rere. The apartments, eight in number on each floor, open off a gallery six feet wide, and running the entire length of the building; and this is crossed in the centre by another, about eight feet wide, one end of which is occupied by the staircase; the other forms the hall. The apartments, thirty-two in number, are fourteen feet by twelve each, furnished with a fireplace, and lighted by a single window; but those on the upper floor alone are ceiled ; in the rest the naked joists are exposed to view, and form receptacles for cobwebs, and have an unpleasing effect. In the front area is a pipe and cock affording a plentiful supply of water, and at the rere is a spacious yard, above 60 feet square.”
“The number of widows at present in the house are 32, each occupying a room, and receiving from the endowment two guineas per annum, which is paid at Christmas; and one of their number who acts as housekeeper, has an additional gratuity of four guineas per annum, with a guinea for coals.”
“The intentions of the founder of this charity were certainly laudable, in a city where the most wretched room, in the most wretched situation, rents from one to two shillings per week. A comfortable apartment with even the small pittance of two guineas per annum, must, to a poor widow, be an object of some importance. The building is in an airy situation, seems to have been well-planned, and is executed in that style of plainness and solidity most suitable to its destination, but the benevolent views of the founder are in a great measure frustrated by a degree of neglect distressing to humanity; instead of that cheerful neatness and cleanliness so grateful to the eye of the spectator in the habitations of the poor, it is here disgusted with walls embroidered with dirt and smoke, windows from filth scarce pervious to the light, and by a ruinous ceiling, threatening destruction to the inhabitants, of which some fragments have already fallen. The roof has lately been repaired, but the timber work of the building not having been painted, as we were informed, since 1797, is rapidly hastening to decay; and we must add, that the window which originally lighted the lower gallery having been accidentally broken, has been injudiciously built up, so that the wretched inhabitants of this floor are necessitated to grope their way to their apartments through darkness visible.”
“As the widows on this foundation receive nothing but the bare room with two guineas (as before stated) at Christmas, their bedding and furniture is of course their own, and the interior appearance of their apartments might be supposed to be proportioned to their respective means, but here a general character of gloom and dirt pervades every room, from which even the apartment of the housekeeper is not wholly exempt, though used occasionally as a board room by the governors.”

But time has, it appears, made many changes for the better in this old alms-house, as may be seen by referring to Mrs. A. M. Fraser’s paper on Joseph Damer, whose money went to found it (see the RECORD, VOI. iii, P. 49) ; we may, therefore, be thankful that the better management of our modern days is making life pleasant for the inhabitants of the alms-house in question, who are assured of case and comfort in their declining years through the charitable bequest of the old Dublin banker.

From time to time some of the surgeons of Dublin had attempted to establish a hospital for the sick poor, but all such efforts failed for want of a sufficient fund to commence with. But in 1734 the large stone-built house at one end of St. Stephen’s Street, which had been built ten years before for an alms-house for poor girls, was handed over by “Mrs. Mary Mercer, spinster” to trustees, to be used as a hospital. She appointed, by deed, proper governors and directors to manage the hospital, and the site, being church-land, was given by Archdeacon Whittingham. The Corporation gave fifty pounds towards the expense of fitting up the hospital, and other subscriptions were received, and by 7th August, 1734, ten beds were ready for the sick poor and were immediately occupied. The physicians and surgeons appointed as governors undertook to attend the patients without payment, and several apothecaries and druggists made an annual subscription for supplying free medicines to the sick. As the hospital’s funds increased the number of beds was raised to forty, and a legacy of money by the will of a Captain Hayes enabled the governors to build a large addition to the hospital in 1738. In spite of this it was discovered that the governors not being incorporated could not legally receive legacies; an Act of Parliament was, therefore, obtained in 1750, giving power to purchase land, receive donations, and recover legacies, etc.
Surgeon Hume, who gave constant and gratuitous attendance at the hospital for a period of 60years, bequeathed £300 by his will, and a new ward being built was named “Hume’s Ward,” and an engraving of Hume was made and sold for the benefit of the funds of the hospital. Two ladies, Mrs. Pleasants and Miss Daunt, gave a donation of £500 and another ward was opened. In 1812 the hospital had six wards, with a total of 48 beds for the sick poor. It is recorded that the governors thought it unsatisfactory that necessity compelled two patients to occupy one bed on occasions when the number of patients exceeded the number of beds, but it was “not often” that this had occurred.
It may be a matter of surprise that Mercer’s Hospital, itself an alms-house, actually gives a corner portion of itself as an alms-house for the care of widows, which is described as St. Peter’s Alms-house, being under the charge of the clergy and church- wardens of St. Peter’s Parish. The house is, as I have said, part of the hospital, and usually accommodates eight widows, but at present has only six, which is in accordance with the steady decline in the numbers of inmates in alms-houses; and it may be that the reason is the assistance rendered by way of Old Age and Widows’ Pensions, which enables the recipients to be so moderately independent as to live out of the old-time alms-houses whose rules have but slightly departed from the time of the first founding, and certainly at a time when the Old Age and Widows’ Pensions were unknown. Even the widows of clergymen were not so well provided for as now-a-days, for a few doors from Mercer’s Hospital was a house, 2 Mercer Street, which was founded by Lady Anne Hume for six clergymen’s widows, who, in addition to their lodging, received £10 per annum. That the arrangement was not looked upon with particular favour by the Rev. J. Whitelaw may be judged from his remarks: “When we consider the very slender provision made for the unbeneficed clergy of the established church during their life, we deeply regret that this mean mansion, however creditable to the individual who founded it, should be the only provision made for their families at their death. To remedy this deficiency, a subscription was some time ago entered into by the clergy themselves, to supply, in annual income for the families of the deceased; but the poverty of the subscribers, and the number of applications, rendered this mode of relief hopeless. The number of unbeneficed clergymen in the diocese of Dublin amounts to about seventy, and the only provision for their widows is a small house, more mean and comfortless than a parish alms-house, into which six families are crowded, with an income of £60 a year to support them all! Yet even for this poor provision, the claimants are so numerous and meritorious, as to render the selection extremely embarrassing.”
The Alms-house for Clergymen’s Widows has gone, its place being taken over by the new wing of Mercer’s Hospital, so that part of the hospital is described in the Directory as Nos. 1 and 2 Mercer Street.

This is one of the most interesting of our hospitals, which in the early days of its founding was little more than an alms-house for “diseased objects,” rather an inhuman way of describing the unfortunates who were received into it. It is open to doubt that the Hospital for Incurables was founded from humanitarian motives; in fact I believe that it was because of the streets swarming with beggars and vagabonds preying on the charitable public by the exposure of various forms of deformity as to be somewhat of a menace; when we consider that means of travel were so slow as to allow the most afflicted to keep pace alongside such as a sedan chair, the disgust of the occupant can be imagined, with the hasty giving of alms to the human derelict in order to be rid of him; having got rid of one his place would be immediately taken by another, so that it must have been something in the nature of a nightmare to move through the streets ; and yet the unfortunate deformed beggars were not to blame, they had to live, and as no hospital would receive them, they being victims of incurable complaints, they flocked into the streets to receive the alms to sustain life in their shattered frames. Eventually the annoyance became so great that Lord Mornington (father of the Duke of Wellington) interested himself in the matter and formed a musical society to raise funds for the purpose of opening a house for such persons as were deemed incurable. Sufficient money was realised by means of concerts, etc., as to allow a small house to be rented in Fleet St., in 1744, into which, we are informed by WW&W, “the diseased objects whose exposure in the public streets was most offensive” were removed. It may, I think, be taken for granted that the word “removed” means forcibly so, is at a later date the Black Cart “removed” the “idle persons” from the streets that they might partake of the hospitality of the House of Industry. The small house in Fleet Street was soon unable to accommodate the numbers, and a large building was erected having six wards capable of accommodating over 100 patients; this was on Lazer’s Hill, or Townsend Street as it is now; the building was completed in 1753, and in that year the establishment removed to the new hospital. It seems that having succeeded in the erection of such a spacious building the Governors of the hospital took things easy, for in 1790 “but two of the wards were occupied by a few patients of both sexes, who were seldom supplied with clothes, and exhibited an appearance equally squalid and offensive”; and then it was that the Governors decided on a course of action which they soon after regretted; they applied to the Governors of the House of Industry, stating that, as they had four wards vacant in their hospital, they were willing to receive from 100 to 120 patients from the House of Industry, as were deemed incurable. The plan was something in the nature of a disaster, for “the class of patients sent from the House of Industry were of the lowest description,” and soon all discipline departed, for, we are again informed by WW&- W, “they brought with them all the vicious and immoral . . . habits, and soon introduced among the established patients of the house . . . their own habits and propensities,” so that it may be said that the late patients of the House of Industry were a law unto themselves; certain it is that they drove the Governors into the despairing belief that order could never again be restored and in that belief they offered the whole concern to the Governors of the House of Industry ; but to this plan there was so much opposition as to make the idea fill through ; soon after in the same year, 1790,

his place would be immediately taken by another,,so that it tntist have been something in the nature of a nightmare to move through the streets ; and yet the unfortunate deformed beggars were not to blame, they had to live, and as no hospital would receive thein, they being victims of incurable complaints, they flocked into the streets to receive the alms to sustain life in their shattered frames. Eventually the annoyance became so great that Lord Mornington (father of the Duke of Wellington) interested himself in the matter and formed a musical society to raise funds for the purpose of opening a house for such persons as were deemed incurable. Sufficient money was realised by means of concerts, etc., as to allow a small house to be rented in Fleet St., in 1744, into whicli, we are informed by WW&W, ” the diseased objects whose exposure in the public streets was most offensive ” were removed. It may, 1 think, be taken for granted that the word ” removed ” means forcibly so, is at a later date the Black Cart ” removed ” the ” idle persons ” from the streets that they might partake of the hospitality of the House of Industry. The small house in Fleet Street was soon unable to accommodate the numbers, and a large building was erected having six wards capable of accommodating over zoo patients; this was on Lazer’s Hill, or Townsend Street as it is now; the building was completed in 1753, and in that year the establishment removed to the new hospital. It seems that having succeeded in the erection of such a spacious building the Governors of the hospital took things easy, for in 1790 ” but two of the wards were occupied by a few patients of both sexes, who were seldom supplied with clothes, and exhibited an appearance equally squalid and offensive ” ; and then it was that the Governors decided on a course of action which they soon after regretted ; they applied to the Governors of the House of Industry, stating that, as they had four ward.-, vacant in their hospital, they were willing to receive from zoo to i2o patients from the House of Industry, as were deemed incur- able. The plan was something in the nature of a disaster, for 4 4the class of patients sent from the House of Industry were of the lowest description,” and soon all discipline departed, for, we are again informed by WW&- W, “they brought with them all the vicious and immoral . . . habits, and soon introduced among the established patients of the house . . . their own habits and propensities,” so that it may be said that the late patients of the House of Industry were a law unto themselves ; certain it is that they drove the Governors into the despairing belief that order could never again be restored. and in that belief they offered the whole concern to the Governors of the House of Industry ; but to this plan there was so much opposition as to make the idea fill through ; soon after in the same year, 1790, a legacy Of £4,000 was bequeathed to the hospital by a Mr. Wolf, and from this period the affairs of the hospital improved, business-like methods being adopted which soon finished the activities of the gentlemen from the House of Industry. In 1792 all exchange of buildings took place between the respective Governors of the Hospital for Incurables and the Westmorland Lock Hospital, and in that year the former removed to Donnybrook, the Lock Hospital taking up residence in Townsend Street.
Soon after its removal to Donnybrook the Governors of the Hospital for Incurables conceived the idea of taking in paying patients, or patients whose friends or relatives would contribute towards their maintenance; and so from an alms-house we now have one of the world’s finest hospitals devoted to the care of incurables.

This alms-house is situated in that most strangely named Marrowbone Lane, a name which will probably be changed within a few years, judging by the rapidity with which the old houses are being demolished in the “lane”: it is fairly certain that with new houses replacing the old ones a new street name will be found. The alms-house of St. Catherine’s is a splendid old building, with good grounds around it ; and it may be said that the building is almost concealed by reason of being enclosed with the houses of the street, or lane, front; entrance to the alms-house is gained by means of a passage-way leading from the lane. The history of the house, though short, is interesting, as its founding may be said to have been by one Isaac Summers who, in his will dated 27th May, 1741, bequeathed a plot of ground, “that a house may be built thereon, for use as an alms-house for distressed Protestant men and women; and towards its erection and maintenance I bequeath an Annuity of Five Pounds, Irish currency.” While the house was erected for men and women, there is no record of men being received as inmates; the house appears capable of accommodating about fifty persons, but actually there are but five widows in it. The ground landlord is the Earl of Meath, to whom a nominal rent of one shilling is paid annually. Under the old lease relating to the alms-house, the Trustees were put to legal expense whenever an Earl of Meath died, for through an oversight the words “or his successors” were omitted; and as both parties were put to trouble and expense a compromise was effected whereby the Trustees of St. Catherine’s recognised the “successors,” in return for which the ground rent of the alms-house was reduced to merely a nominal sum. In concluding my short history of this house, I mention the fact that adjoining Marrowbone Lane is Summer Street ; without going into the origin of the street, I am of the opinion that, if it is not actually named after Isaac Summers, it certainly is named after a member, or members, of the same family.

“This Charity House was built and endowed in the year 1755 by Tristram Fortick, a citizen of Dublin, late of Fortick’s Grove in the Co. of Dublin, Esq ; for the use of reduced women who had lived in good repute.”
Thus reads the inscription on the tablet over a house in Denmark Street, or Liffey Street as it was when the house was founded. This is one of the principal alms-houses of old Dublin and its present state of preservation is a fitting tribute by the Trustees to the memory of the founder, Tristram Fortick, a great philanthropist, who, like many others, such as George Simpson and Mary Mercer, found a resting-place in St. Mary’s Churchyard; on August 18th, 1755, he was buried there, aged 80 years. He was interred privately as was his wish.
By Fortick’s will, dated 9th March, 1755, probate of which was granted on 25th August, 1755, he appointed a number of trustees to carry out his wishes, one of the trustees being William Dawson. The following were some of the bequests: £25, Per Annum, to be paid half-yearly “to my Half-Sister, Margaret Barker,” and the sum of £5 “to buy mourning.” £200 to “Henry Sheridan, son of the late John Sheridan,” and the sum of £20 “to buy mourning.” £200 to “Judith Roe, daughter of my late niece, Mary Roe, nee Gunning.” £50 to “my cousin, Mary Porter.” £50 to “my kinswoman, Anne McNeill.” £5 to “my old servant,- Daniel Flanagan.” £10 to “my cousin, Elizabeth Grady,” “and I hereby request my trustees that this sum be paid to Elizabeth Grady without the intermeddling of her husband.” [!] £5 to “my kinswoman, Elizabeth McLoughlin, of Coleraine.” £5, to be paid annually, “to my housekeeper, commonly called Jane Mullen,” and the sum of £20 to buy mourning, for “her diligent and faithful services to me.”
“And Whereas I have built a Charity House in Liffey Street, in the suburbs of Dublin, for the reception of poor widows and other helpless women, being Protestant; for its support I hereby order and direct that the rents, issues and profits of the two houses lately built by me. with appurtenances, in Jervis Street, Dublin, now tenanted by the widow Hancock and George Meares, on part of the ground purchased from the widow Tucker; and I hereby submit the care and management of this charity house to my trustees, and after their decease to the Lord Chancellor of Ireland and Minister or Rector of St. Marys, for the time being. And I Bequeath the Residue of my property to the boy, William Wright, who lives in my house, after he attains the age of twenty years, and it is my wish that lie change his name to William Fortick: but if William Wright dies before attaining the age of twenty years the Residue is to be left to the Lord Chancellor that the proceeds be left for the founding of a Home for Decayed Tradesmen. And to William Dawson I Bequeath the sum of £100 for his trouble in carrying out the terms of this will.”
In a codicil dated 9th March, 1755, he leaves a further sum of £5 per annum, to his half-sister, Margaret Barker; and to his housekeeper, Jane Mullen, a further sum of £10 per annum, together with “the furniture of her own room.”
The two houses referred to as being in Jervis Street are no longer existing, the site is now occupied by portion of Todd, Burns & Co.’s extensive premises; but ground rent is derived therefrom and forms part of the Fortick endowment. That the endowment reaches substantial figures can be judged by the fact that it covers the entire cost of upkeep of the charity house, in which there are thirteen inmates at present.
In WW&-W it is stated that Fortick’s Widows’ Alms-house “resembles that in Great Britain Street [Damer’s] both in the nature of the institution, and in the arrangement of the plan of the building; it is however on a smaller scale, the galleries being only five feet wide, and the apartments about 13 by 11 feet 6 inches, and not so lofty. The front is of brick, the rear of rough stone, and the latter has bulged and separated a few inches from the cross partitions, but as this fissure has not increased for many years it is not thought dangerous. The spacious area in front has a cock and pipe that supplies abundance of good water, and in the rear is a yard and grass plot of about 60 by 100 feet, well-secured. The apartments were originally 32 in number, but those on the ground floor, the funds we suppose not being, adequate to their support, have been judiciously divided into small coal holes, of which each widow has one appropriated to her sole use. There are twenty four apartments, and as the housekeeper, who is also one of the widows, occupies two, the widows are 23 in number, who receive about £3. 10s. each per annum, with a bag of coals at Christmas. “
“Whether the inmates of this alms-house are more judiciously selected, or that the superintendence of the institution is more attended to, we do not presume to determine, but the appearance of the widows, and their apartments, is very different from what we see in the alms-house already alluded to (Damer’s). Here many of the rooms are uncommonly clean with an air of neatness and comfort, to which the possession of a receptacle for their fuel, separate from the apartment, must contribute much; some indeed were occupied by widows in extreme indigence, but even these, though destitute of furniture, were not rendered Disgusting by dirt.”
For information given to me upon the subject of Fortick’s Alms-house, I am grateful to Rev. Dr. Emerson, Rector of St. Mary’s, who evidently has very much at heart the interests of the thirteen present occupants.
Some of my listeners may wonder where Tristram Fortick’s house, “Fortick’s Grove,” was, and it may be interesting to state that this is the building afterwards known as “Clonliffe House.” Before Clonliffe Road was made there was a lane here called “Fortick’s Lane.”

The Parochial Alms-house of the Parish of St. Anne is in Schoolhouse Lane, South, formerly Kildare Lane; its period of establishment is about 1757, and at present there are but two widows; the house is remarkable in that it also houses the society known as the Charitable Musical Society, a body instituted in 1756 for the purpose of raising funds by means of concerts, and other musical entertainment, the proceeds to be devoted to the relief of poor debtors. It is a matter of interest that a society formed in 1756 should be operating today for the purpose of lending out money, interest free, to indigent and industrious tradesmen. This Charitable Musical Society does not claim to be the original one that was formed in the “Bull’s-Head Tavern” in Fishamble Street in 1730, although some connexion is claimed; it is likely too that a connexion is claimed with the Musical Society of Dublin which, in 1741, drew forth the Dean of St. Patrick’s famous Exhortation, addressed to the Sub-Dean and Chapter of St. Patrick’s Cathedral.

This alms-house was founded in 1766 by John Wesley, its location then being in Whitefriar Street and its management was under the preachers in Dublin, together with seven Trustees ; the original Trustees were: George Grant, William Hall, James Martin, Thomas Bond, Patrick Geoghegan, Thomas Bible, and William Gaskell. The cost of erection was £700, towards which a Mr. Joseph Terry contributed £100. In 1767, twenty widows were admitted, being furnished with beds, bedding, coal, and candles, as well as a small weekly amount of money for their other needs. The house, as such, removed later to Grantham Street, continuing there up to a few years ago, when they removed once more, this time to a house named East Well, Palmerston Park, this house having been purchased in 1933 for the use of widows and spinsters; there are thirteen inmates in the house at present, and for its upkeep dependence is made on Legacies, Subscriptions, and church collections. In regard to Church collections, it may be said that these took the form of charity sermons, which were held in the Meeting-Houses of the society in Whitefriar Street and at Gravel Walk, on which occasions all denominations of Protestants attended. Gravel Walk is, of course, the present Hendrick Street, situated off Queen Street.

The oldest orphanage, in Dublin is St. Joseph’s Female Orphanage, Mountjoy Street, started in 1770 by some tradesmen to shelter a few destitute children who had conic under their notice, it enjoys the honour of being the oldest of its kind. St. Joseph’s is a Catholic institution, and from its modest beginning has developed into one of the principal orphanages; it was in 1866 that a house was provided, to accommodate the increasing number of orphans, by the Josephian Society. The house was later enlarged and placed in charge of the Sisters of Charity, who have done so much splendid work in our city. The orphans are trained for situations and are usually placed in them, so that they get a fair start in life.

This alms-house is situated in St. James’s Street and presently accommodates but two widows, one being a clergyman’s widow; for a number of years there were four widows but two have died recently, and but two remain in occupation. This is one of the endowed alms-houses and its present condition is a credit to the trustees. The history of its founding is most interesting as its existence is solely due to a Dublin “jarvey,” John Loggins.
Loggins was a native of Bow-bridge, St. James’s parish, and carried on business as hackney-coachman; he became the proprietor of two coaches and engaged in driving the judges of assize when they went on circuit, which helped to make him so sufficiently prosperous that he was able to become the owner of house property in Bow-bridge and its vicinity, which brought in an income of about £40 per annum; having thus secured himself Loggins became, as they say now-a-days, “fond of the drink,” and was imprisoned for drunken debts, often by those whom he regarded as his friends; and it is recorded of him, “that having reduced himself at a public tavern to a state of beastly intoxication, he was in that condition placed in a basket on a porter’s back, and thus carried in open day through the public streets, to his house in Bow-bridge.” It seems that Loggins was a sensitive man, or perhaps it was the “morning after” feeling, but certain it is that he did not like the tales told to him of his drunken homecomings and he decided that the whole thing had to cease. What had the most sobering effect on Loggins was the following incident. One of his coach-horses was so vicious that it was positively dangerous to approach it; and one night Loggins, drunk, collapsed under the animal’s feet and so remained until morning brought sobriety; when Loggins realised the escape that he had from being killed, or at least severely injured, he decided that the thing was due to a miracle, or something akin to a miracle. On another occasion he was driving back from a circuit and the wheels of his carriage had scarcely cleared Kilcullen Bridge when the arch over which he had just passed gave way, and tumbled into the Liffey. This finally convinced Loggins that he would have to “give up the drink,” and to do that it was necessary to give up driving, which he did, selling his carriages and horses, and having got rid of the temptations became an ardent teetotaller. Loggins became very pious and abstained from food two days in each week ; about this time he decided on converting his unoccupied stables into an alms-house for poor widows, and by hard work succeeded in making the building habitable for the reception of six indigent and infirm widows; Loggins’s dwelling stood beside his little alms-house, and as his means increased he kept adding room after room until eventually his own house was the alms-house, housing twenty widows. Loggins died on 23rd July, 1774, and by his will, dated 1771, appointed the vicar and churchwardens of the parish of St. James, and their successors, trustees of the charity; and for that purpose devised to them the alms-house, with forty shillings per annum towards its support; this was added to by an annual charity sermon (which brought in about £130) and with the investing of surplus funds the alms-house is now able to exist on the interest of the money invested.
As the result of a visit paid to the alms-house in 1812 WW& W inform us that “the comforts of the poor widows [were] much improved. In lieu of their former scanty allowance of provisions, they now receive 3s. 3d. with a half-quartern loaf each her week ; they are fully clothed every second year, and in the intermediate year receive each a shift and petticoat, with a pair of stockings and shoes.”
It would seem that the present alms-house does not occupy the original site, which would appear to have been a little to the rear of the present house. A map in the possession of the Dublin Whiskey Distillery Co. shows the present site as a grass-plot. The D.W.D. Co. are the ground landlords of the alms-house and receive a nominal rent from it.

The once familiar figures of old men sauntering along Great Britain Street, dressed in blue “pilot “ cloth, tall hat of black felt, and walking-stick, bring to mind a description of the inmates of Simpson’s Hospital as they appeared before the Great War. That these old gentlemen enjoyed their declining years in comfort was due to the generosity of one George Simpson, Merchant, who, remembering his own sufferings, had thought for others similarly affected.
George Simpson resided at No. 24 Jervis Street, where he died in the closing days of the year 1778; he was buried in St. Mary’s Churchyard, on 3rd January, 1779. Simpson died a rich man and left the most of his fortune to his wife, “to be enjoyed by her during her lifetime”; he had large property interests in the County Roscommon, and lands at Pelletstown, County Dublin; in addition he was the owner of house property in different parts of the city. He named as trustees thirteen gentlemen, all of the City of Dublin, who were to carry out his wishes with regard to the final disposal of his income and residue, they being appointed as follows: “I appoint my friends, James Forbes, Travers Hartley, Edward Strettle, Thomas Reid, Redmond Morris, Morgan Crofton, James Ford, the Rev. Doctor Law, Alexander Jaffray, William Barton, Nevill Forth, Martin Brownley, and Matthew Coleman,” and the trust placed on them was that after the death of his wife, Catherine Simpson, they were to hold his fortune in trust, “and thereout to erect and support and maintain, an hospital for the reception of such poor decayed, blind and gouty men as they shall think worthy of such a charity.”
Of the charities that were benefited by bequests from “George Simpson, of the City of Dublin, Esq.,” it is noticeable that the schools of the various parishes came in for special favour, in particular that of the parish of St. Mary’s; to the Incorporated Society for Promoting English Protestant Schools in Ireland, he left the sum of £1,000 and the Blue Coat Hospital received £500, as did also the Governors of the Marine Schools, “for the use of that charity.” Six churches, namely, St. Nicholas Within, St. Nicholas Without, St. John’s, St. Audoen’s, St. Paul’s, and St. Catherine’s, received £100 each for the “Poor Charity Boys” of their respective parishes. The French Charity School also received £100, “for the benefit of the Poor Boys of this institution”; but his own district received a larger amount, for we find that the “Poor School of St. Mary’s Parish” received £250. His bequests also included £300 each to three hospitals, “that erected by Mrs. Mary Mercer,” which had been opened in 1734 ; St. Catherine’s Hospital ; and the Inns Quay Infirmary. The Governors and Governesses of the Magdalene Asylum, Leeson Street, were left £250, and Mr. Thomas Corless, merchant, was left £100 “for the use of the Poor Alms House in St. Jame’s Parish.”
Two years after the death of Mr. Simpson, there came into being the institution that he desired to have established. He had been for many years a sufferer from weak eyes, and “a complete martyr to the gout”; therefore, his sympathies had been directed towards those similarly affected, so in 1781 the house in Great Britain Street opened its doors to receive the first guests in Simpson’s Hospital, the word “hospital” meaning in this case, “an institution or establishment for dispensing hospitality or caring for the needy, or an asylum for shelter and maintenance.” After a few years it was found that this residence was not sufficiently large to accommodate the inmates with comfort, so they were removed to Jervis Street while a substantial building was erected on the site at a cost of £6,458, and a splendid dining-hall was added at a further cost of £2,000 that the inmates might be more comfortable. The garden attached to the building was fair size having grass plots and gravel walks, along which benches were placed for the residents that they might rest. The two ailments from which the inmates suffered, blindness and gout, were in no way a handicap in some instances; it is said that an “interesting spectacle is to see the interchange of offices, each making use of that organ of his neighbour of which he is himself deprived. In this way, the patients who are deprived of the use of their limbs by the severity of the gout are supported about by their blind friends whose motions they direct and guide; while in return a lame patient is frequently seen surrounded by a group of the blind, to whom he reads a newspaper “which is supplied for that purpose, or some book of entertainment or instruction.”
Simpson’s Hospital is no longer situated within the City of Dublin, for sonic years ago a desirable property near Dundrum came into the market, and the trustees took the opportunity of purchasing it, and transferred the hospital and its inmates to this new position in beautiful and healthy surroundings. The fine stone building in Parnell Street is now part of the extensive offices of Messrs. Williams & Woods.

Ask a person in Whitefriars Street, “where is the Moravian Widows’, House?” and you are likely to occasion that person some mental anguish but if you ask the same person, “where is Six-and-a-Half ?” immediate knowledge is manifested, and the old Meeting House is pointed out; it is not the Meeting House that interests us, but the old house alongside it, ensconced in a small corner as if wishing to avoid attention, and doubtless that was the intention of the founder, Mr. Andrew Moller, a Moravian, who, in 1802, by way of bequest, was the medium of the founding. Moller’s bequest was sufficient to allow thirteen “widows and aged females” to be accommodated in the house , he also left a sum of money, the interest of which provided coals and candles. The inmates received a weekly allowance from the receipts of the Meeting House. The number at present in the alms-house is four, and I can testify that they are perfectly-mannered ladies, very courteous and willing to give what information they possess concerning the history of the house.

A well-known Asylum for female blind is the Molyneux Asylum ; founded in 1815, it certainly served a very useful purpose and although its early days were modest in regard to the number of inmates, 14, Yet the good intention made up for the lack of substantial means. The Asylum was founded in the house known as Molyneux House, St. Peter’s Street, and functioned there for the best part of a century, finally removing to Leeson Park in 1852, where it carries on the good work in quiet surroundings. But although the Asylum, as such, has departed from Peter Street, the house remains, a mute witness to the many changes that have taken place within, and without, its doors; at one time enjoying itself as a well-ordered home for a “man of medicine,” then as a circus where the “Bucks” fore-gathered to make merry in boisterous fashion and, if at all possible to end the night’s performance in a riot; then the advent of the Asylum with its corresponding quietness, and lastly, its present use, a Shelter for Men under the care of the Salvation Army. Molyneux House was, as the tablet over the door tells us, erected in 1711; the inscription reads : “THIS HOUSE WAS ERECTED IN THE YEAR 1711 BY SIR THOMAS MOLYNEUX, BART.; DESCENDED FROM SIR THOMAS MOLYNEUX, CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER IN THE REIGN OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.”
The Molyneux Arms are still over the door, in splendid preservation, and will, no doubt, remain there for many a year, as nothing like a “Lion and Unicorn” appears in the embellishments, which probably accounts for the lack of interest displayed in it. Sir Thomas Molyneux was, perhaps, better known as Dr. Thomas Molyneux, and when he erected this fine house he was known as the man who had been President of the College of Physicians some years previous, 1702, 1709, 1713 and 1720. In 1717 he held the position of Physician-General to the Army in Ireland. On 4th July 1730, he was created a Baronet, and he died in the year 1733. For some years afterwards the house was occupied by various members of the family, till in 1789 we find the famous Astley taking over the house for use as an “Amphitheatre for Horsemanship,” etc.; and there the public was amused for many years with deeds of daring in the saddle. In order that the musical taste of the public should be satisfied, we are informed that that splendid party tune “Croppies Lie Down” was played every night, but we are also informed that for some unaccountable reason the playing of it did not please everybody, for while it pleased a section of the audience, vulgarly called Orangemen, it irritated another section called United Irishmen ; and so one evening, the moment the band struck up, a number of young men jumped into the orchestra-box and broke all the instruments ; and then the fight became a general one, the opposing factions extending their battle-line “from the house right into the adjoining streets and the extraordinary thing was that although the Kilkenny Militia were on duty in the vicinity they did not interfere when they saw that the United Irishmen more than held their own. The pity was that these nightly riots could not last for ever, and Astley sold out his interest to a Mr. H. Johnston, who intended to make the house a rival to Crow Street, but the attempt failed, and the whole concern reverted, by process of ejectment, to the family of the original proprietor, and then in 1815 the house was taken over for use as a Blind Asylum at an annual rental of £100, and there we leave our short history of an old Dublin alms-house.

When Moira House was erected in 1752 by Sir John Rawdon, later Earl of Moira, and was the scene of numerous banquets, balls, etc., little thought was given that in the year 1818 the scene would be changed ; instead of beautiful ladies and handsome gentlemen of note thronging the rooms, we find the sad spectacle of the rooms being thronged with the less fortunate members of society, the mendicants, for whose suppression the “Association For The Suppression Of Mendicity In Dublin” took over Moira House that it might be a daytime alms-house for the class mentioned. In the First Annual Report issued for the year 1818 the purpose of the Association is made clear as follows -
“In order that the nature and extent of these proceedings may be more fully understood, and that the public may be made acquainted with the magnitude and character of the evil for the Suppression of which you associated, it becomes necessary to recur to the situation of Dublin with respect to Mendicity previous to the commencement of your labours.”
“It would be necessary here to state the great number of Beggars which, for a series of years, infested the streets of this Metropolis; to trace the causes would be difficult, and, in this instance, a superfluous task: it is sufficient to say, that the number, always considerable, was greatly increased by the effects of the termination of the war upon the trading and agricultural interests in this country – by the disbanding of large portions of the army and navy – and by two years of almost unexampled scarcity.”
“The extent of the distress thereby produced, and the laudable efforts made by the benevolent to relieve it, not only increased the evil of Mendicity to an alarming degree in Dublin, but gave it a character, form, and virulence which appeared to place it beyond the reach of cure. These circumstances rendered even the cold-hearted munificent; every asylum in the City being full, begging appeared, not only excusable, but justifiable; every hand distributed alms, a great part of the disgrace of seeking charity being removed, there were numerous candidates to receive them; and so relaxed was the principle of independence in the poor of Dublin, that many, who had other means of procuring bread, occasionally resorted to Street Begging in preference to labour. This was the case with several idle Manufacturers, who preferred such a mode of maintaining themselves to working at their trades.”
“From all these causes, the City presented a spectacle at once afflicting and disgusting to the feelings of the inhabitants; the doors of carriages and shops, to the interruption of business, were beset by crowds of unfortunate and clamorous beggars, exhibiting misery and decrepitude in a variety of forms, and frequently carrying about in their persons and garments the seeds of contagious disease; themselves the victims of idleness, their children were taught to depend on Begging, as affording the only means of future subsistence ; every artifice was resorted to by the practised Beggar to extort alms, and refusal was frequently followed by imprecations and threats.”
“The benevolent were imposed upon – the modest shocked – the timid alarmed – the reflecting grieved. In short, so distressing was the whole scene, and so intolerable was the nuisance, that its suppression became a matter of necessity. The subject forced itself on the consideration of the inhabitants of Dublin, so strongly that several gentlemen, unknown to each other and without any communication, were at the same time occupied in devising a remedy for the evil. This similarity of pursuit at length brought these persons together and a Public Meeting was held at the Mansion-house, in the month of May, 1817, when it was determined that an effort should be made to suppress Mendicity, and a Committee was then appointed to draw up a Plan, to be submitted to the Citizens of Dublin for their approval.”
The Second Annual Report, for the year 1819, tells of the means adopted to provide employment in the Institution :
“The anxious consideration of the Committee was bestowed on this important point, and naturally led them to inquire into the different modes of labour adopted by some of the large charitable Establishments in London; among these they found the Parish of St. Martins employed a considerable number of its poor in pulverising Oyster Shells for manure; the simplicity of this process at once struck them, and the facility of procuring the materials necessary to make the experiment induced them to give it an immediate trial ; the result of which has proved satisfactory in every way; large numbers being employed ; the purchase of machinery being unnecessary ; and a profit likely to accrue to the Institution. The Committee begs to draw attention to the opinion expressed by an expert on the properties of artificial manure manufactured from Oyster Shells.”
The opinion referred to may be found in this Report, which also tells us that
“The one way to cut off the temptation to beg was for the Institution to collect all the ‘broken meat’ throughout the town, and an idea also prevailed that a considerable reduction in the expenditure of the Institution might thus be effected. The diet of the Mendicants had been the subject of attention and a change was deemed desirable. Laudable and humane, however, as the motives were, which prompted this change, it was unfortunately brought about in a manner likely to be productive of serious consequences Soup and wheaten bread were at first distributed; the quantity given out was not, perhaps, objectionable; but it soon appeared to your Committee, that they were in error in providing food of so fine a quality to feed the poor belonging to such an Establishment with bread of that description, was to allow them a kind of diet, not only to which they themselves were not accustomed, but which was totally beyond the power of the class immediately above them in society to enjoy; and thus it was feared that an inducement might it be held out to that class to forfeit their independence, and throw themselves on the same charity for support – also the stated allowance of feed being given to all classes, employed and unemployed, was found to be wrong. After much inquiring., and various experiments on the subject, which, simple as it may appear, occupied a considerable amount of time and attention, an expedient as satisfactory as can be devised was determined on; the meat and bones collected in the carts were separated as carefully as possible from any thing improper; and boiled down with potatoes and other vegetables; the whole was then thoroughly mixed and seasoned thus forming a diet at once cheap and nutritious, and which, it may be observed, is nearly the same food that Mendicants themselves are in the habit of collecting, from door to door, only prepared in a cleanly and more wholesome manner. Three pounds four ounces of this food were given as rations once in the day, the price of which, to those who wished to purchase it, was fixed at one penny, being on a fair calculation, something less than the cost of making it to the Institution.”
Passing over a number of years we again take up a Report, this time for 1832, and there we read that “able-bodied Mendicants are generally placed on the Stone Breakers’ list, as a test of the reality of their distress, and of their anxiety to procure employment.” Apparently the noble art of stone-breaking was not confined to the male mendicants, for in the same Report there is an abstract showing the numbers, occupations, and allowances of the mendicants, and stone-breaking seems to have been regarded as the one occupation in which both men and women excelled, and for the week ending 31st December, 1832, we find 13 men and 69 women engaged at that task. From the, reading of the Report it would appear that the 13 men accounted for the breaking of from ten to twenty tons , while the 69 women accounted for the breaking of twenty-five tons , for which, at the end of the day, they received the sum of four pence; men and women receiving the same rate. Other occupations, numbers and allowances are as follows :
Spinners, 138 : Females 2d. per Hank.
Reelers, 9 : Females: 10d. per Week.
Overseers, 1 :Female 1d. per Day.
Knitters of Stockings, 66 : Females – Various Rates.
Women with children in arms, 68: – 1d. per day.
Oakum-pickers, 487 : Females – 1d. per day.
Overseers, 2 male, 1 female – 2d. per day.
Carters were Allowed 8d. per cwt., for the meat and bones they collected, and 2d. per cwt. for bread, and such other matters as were not available for the stew. The bread was distributed among the orphans.
“There are now 56 orphans, 36 boys and 20 girls, in the Institution, for each of whom an allowance of 5d. per week is given to some woman selected from the Mendicants for taking care of the child at her home, after leaving the Institution in the evening.”
We again take up a Report, this time for the year 1836, read in Morrison’s Great Rooms on Monday, 9th January, 1837, and in it the Committee complain of the lack of assistance given by the Government; and of the support withheld by members of the public, who, because of their suggestions not being seriously considered by the Committee fail to give that financial assistance so necessary for the upkeep of the Institution. The Committee point out that it would be impossible to carry out the various, and often contradictory, plans suggested; this is one of the suggestions, “That a Tract of Waste Mountain Land near the City, be reclaimed by the labours of the poor of the institution”; The Committee, very properly, asks . “Who is to dig and labour at it ?, is it our 1,027 old women, and our equally helpless 140 old men?, for of strong men we have but 48 in the Institution, and Of these 30 are requisite for the work of the house, leaving only 18 male stone-breakers for outdoor employment should opportunity offer.” The Committee also states: “It has been from all quarters urged upon out most serious attentions that if the streets were kept free from beggars, everyone would cheerfully assist our exertions. So long as so many professed Mendicants remain in our streets, so long will assistance be denied to our efforts. It will be remembered that within the first 18 months of establishment of the Institution, that 6,000 beggars made application for aid. The grievance is an old one in our City, for in the year 1773, 1,800 licenses to beg were granted by the House of Industry to Badged Mendicants! in the face of such allowance, the unlicensed beggars constantly accumulated.”
That large numbers flocked to the Institution for aid there can be no doubt, for in the year 1899, 55,116 persons were relieved, a considerable number, and unquestionably, a severe strain on the financial resources of the Institution, which depended on the subscriptions received from the public that they might carry on the work of suppressing mendicity; it appears that the subscriptions varied in many ways; here are a few quaint subscriptions
“Received 13s. 2d. From sale of one ham and four geese. “
Received 2s. 6d. from an old vice.
Received 10s. 6d. From Mr. Drummond, Trinity St. being part of a sum found in a purse in the Phoenix Park.
Received 7s. 6d. Value of Buckles, supposed to be stolen, per Mr. A. Lawrence, Thomas St.”
It is when closing the Reports that a quotation on the cover catches one’s attention for its aptness in relation to the Institution it reads as follows:
“I cannot but think it a reproach, worse than that of common swearing, that the idle and abandoned are suffered, in the name of Heaven, and all that is sacred, to extract from Christian and tender minds a supply to a profligate way of life that is always to be supported, but never relieved.”- Spectator, NO. 232.

The Mendicity Institution being only a daytime alms-house, it might be of interest to find out where the unfortunate mendicants pass the night, and to ascertain such we follow in their shuffling wake, crossing by the Liffey bridges, when their destination is found to be Bow Street, and there outside a fine old house they take their stand until 5 p.m., when the door opens and they crowd into……… .

I may be taxing your patience by including it in the category of alms- houses, but alms-house it was, a trifle disguised; it had, in a sense, allied itself with the Mendicity Institution, which will be apparent by the reading of the purpose for which it was founded:
“For………providing shelter of a roof at night, other than that of the workhouse, for the homeless poor, and all area admitted who are sober, and destitute; but persons whose previous conduct in the Asylum has been disorderly are excluded. The hours of admission are from 5 to 7pm, but strangers are admitted up to 11pm. No food is provided, but many inmates obtain a meal at the Mendicity Institution.”

There we have the purpose, which doubtless was a good one, but the Report of the Asylum for 1899, tells us that for nine months of that year the number admitted was 14,337; highest number being 203 and the lowest 74 per night – and these numbers in a house which could accommodate 170 persons as stated in the Report. It seems amazing that an ordinary dwelling house could accommodate 170 persons in any degree of comfort, but the Asylum was not given to the matter of comfort, but to simply providing the “roof” that afforded the “shelter”; actually, no beds were provided, the floors were the sleeping space; in order that the men and women, in their separate rooms should sleep more comfortably, a wooden ledge was fitted around the room making a rude sort of pillow, and no doubt many a restful sleep was obtained from the use of both, the floor :and the wooden ledge. To prevent the Asylum front being made a permanent habitation, it was a rule to bring before a committee all persons whose stay exceeded 14 nights, and having gone into the merits of each case to extend the number of nights, in most cases, but as a rule no inmate was allowed to remain longer than one month: and no person who had finally left was eligible for re-admission till after three months had elapsed. The “one bright spot” of the Report is contained in the words, “This institution is non- sectarian”; what a relief this meant to the men and women who “enjoyed” the 14 nights’ comfort; that perfect sense of restfulness that only persons who sleep on floors, with a wooden ledge as pillow, could appreciate and delight in, and this at the end of a day spent over at the Mendicity, “where a meal was obtained,”providing that one was not an habitual meal-seeker.
The “Night Refuge” was probably the first night (free) shelter of its kind, a lowly lodging for the waifs and strays of Dublin, who gathered at the door each evening waiting to be admitted into it, that they might escape from the grim ordeal of having to sleep out in doorways of tenements, with the risk of a prying policeman rousing the unfortunate and later charging him with that most common of offences, “loitering”; ” so it was that many went to Bow Street in preference to being classed as potential criminals.
The “Night Refuge” accepted both men and women lodgers two rooms were provided for each sex ; in the case of the men, they enjoyed a view of St. Michan’s Churchyard, probably as a reminder that their lot was that of the living dead. Here is a description of the refuge by a man who had the pleasure of staying there for four nights in what were known as “the good old days” (or nights):
“I remember staying four nights in the night refuge in Bow-street, about 60 years ago; the times were bad for the down-and-out, not like now-a-days when you have so many good charitable institutions, but 60 years ago such was not the case and the poor man got a bad time of it, there being no free night shelter except Bow-street. The women had several places to go to, such as Brickfield-lane; but not so the men, so Bow-street it had to be. I found myself, with many others, standing at the door awaiting to be admitted, and when that time arrived I found myself in a large clean room (it was washed out several times in the week); in the middle of the room was a permanent seat, at each end was another fixed seat. There was no fire, but as the weather was not cold at the time I did not mind; I believe that in the winter time a small fire was provided. Around the walls was a projecting timber so that when you lay down on the floor you could rest your head on this as a pillow, a very hard one but even so a welcome one. There was no food provided, just the shelter; in one corner of the room was a lavatory and in another corner was a tub of water, said to be clean, that we might drink if we felt so inclined, but nothing in the solid line. I remember noting the different types around me; they were of all kinds, some were countrymen using the shelter that they might be near for the cattle market, at the same time saving lodging money; but for the most part they were of the real down-and-out lot, some being of the begging line – one of which called for a bit of paper that he might empty his pockets of the collection of scraps of bread, tea, sugar and other odds and ends, and from somewhere an old black can was produced and a little fire lighted, and some tea made : then we got a piece of paper and brushed the floor with it. At 7.30, the caretaker came in and told us to get ready for the preacher, and that gentleman read a piece from the Bible and departed leaving us less happy than before he came. At 8 o’clock the door was closed and bolted from the outside, so that no one could leave if they had felt so inclined, but no one did. For the most part my room-mates lay down on the floor to sleep, fully clothed, but a few old stagers removed their pants and spread that article on the floor and lay on it covering their bodies with their own old coats; there was no covering clothing provided, so it cannot be said to have been a restful night’s sleep, but beggars cannot be choosers. When morning came we were let out without any food and many crossed over to the hot wall to warm the numbness out of their bones – I can tell you I was one of that lot. Friday night was a great night at the refuge; on that night you went and gave your name as usual but instead of going up to the back room you were allowed to cross over to the Coombe “ragged school” where a good meal was provided for the Refuge men; but it was a well earned meal, for the whole route from Bow-street to the Coombe had numbers of boys with every kind of projectile to throw at us and at the same time calling out “there goes the soupers”; it was a terrible gauntlet that we had to run, and, unfortunately, was a weekly one for the regular inmates of the refuge.”
The Night Asylum For Houseless Poor closed its door for the last time in 1917.

Founded by Dr. Blake, Lord Bishop of Dromore, to provide a home for Aged and Virtuous Females’ being Catholic, who are unable through age or infirmity to earn a living. Income is derived from donations, charity sermons, and an annual bazaar. An extract from the charity sermon preached by the Rev. Dr. O’Brien, in the Church of St. Francis Xavier, Dublin, on Sunday, 7th MAY, 1846, shows the purpose fully .
“You need not be informed that twenty-nine fellow-beings are inmates of St. Joseph’s Asylum. They have outlived property, labour, and friendship, and nothing remains to them now but virtue and sorrow and your alms. They claim from Christian hands, in a Christian Land, refuge from the gripe of famine, and retirement in their old age, where they may pray for their benefactors and die. I cannot awaken many of your worldly apprehensions; there are some which might wring from terror what charity would not concede, for the inhabitants of St. Joseph’s are helpless, as well as destitute, women; relieved or abandoned, their days and their miseries must soon close.”
The building is a fine one, built of brick, and well-ordered.

When the name “St. Vincent de Paul” is mentioned it is often taken for granted that it refers to the lay organisation, the members of which visit the houses of the very poor to give the aid so badly needed; this is not quite correct, for other activities are carried on under the same name, and we find the girls’ orphanage in North William Street under the capable, and tender, care of the Sisters of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul. Started in 1858 it has received over 3,000 since its inception, who in addition, to receiving an excellent education are trained that they may become domestic servants, and are also trained to do fine needlework. At present there are over 200 children in the Institution.

This alms-house was founded by Rev. Dr. Spratt, in 1861 as a “Night Refuge for Women and Children,” but in recent years children are no longer admitted. The number of women seeking admission does not exceed thirty persons weekly, although in the early years of its existence the numbers were considerably higher; the charity is under the care of the Sisters of Charity, and only persons who are believed to he awaiting employment are admitted. The house has a history, in that it has been the means of affording a helping hand to the needy, and that may be said to date back to the 13th April, 1814, when the first stone was laid for the building of what was called the Stove Tenter House ; at the risk of boring you with what is well known already, I give its history in brief.
The weaving industry in Dublin was at one time largely followed, and at the beginning of the nineteenth century it was computed that about 550 woollen looms were engaged in the Liberties, and as each loom employed about eight persons to work it, and allowing an average of five in each family, it showed that sonic 22,000 of the population were depending on this class of work. For many winters great hardship existed among the weavers as the weather rendered it impossible for them to dry their wool, warp, or cloths ; unable to continue their earnings, they were in large numbers reduced to misery and want, and driven into the streets, hospitals, and charitable institutions ; many were imprisoned for debt. Representations were made setting forth the hardships under which they suffered, but nothing was done; a number of individuals had it in mind to erect a house for the drying of the materials, and contemplated the issuing of debentures, the debenture holders to receive the profits of the house, if any ; it may be that the computation of the profits caused the long delay in putting the scheme through, but to end it all, Mr. Pleasants, founder of the Pleasants Female Orphanage, came to the rescue and built, at a cost of £14,000, the Stove Tenter House. As I said, the first stone was laid on the 13th April, 1814, and it was opened for work on the 20th October, 1815, arranged as a three-storied building. On the ground floor were four furnaces, or stoves, from which issued large metal tubes; by means of these the whole building was heated, as the flooring of each storey was formed by iron bars. Along these floors were the tenters on machinery by which the cloth was stretched to any breadth or degree of tension. The upper storey was given to the drying of chains of woollen warps before being woven, requiring less heat.
The weavers paid 2s. 6d for each piece of finished cloth, and these sums were spent on the purchase of coal, etc.; Mr. Pleasants derived no profits, regarding it as a charitable purpose. In order that the weavers should not lack the “urge to work” mottoes were displayed over the fire-places intended to attract their attention, such as, “The Sluggard shall come to Want,” “Industry is the Weaver’s Shield,” “The hand of the Diligent maketh rich,” and other inspiring mottoes intended to give the impression that “to work is but a pleasure” ; certainly such was the case, for idleness disappeared and weavers ceased to be confined in the prisons for small debts ; the public also gained, for the material was received in better condition, consequently larger quantities were used, and altogether the motto “Industry is the Weaver’s Shield” was never more true than when St. Joseph’s Refuge was the Stove Tenter House.

Passing down this short, narrow lane it is hard to realise by its careworn appearance that such matter of historic interest attaches to it, which i propose to describe as briefly as my limited knowledge of the lane will allow me. In 1403 it was styled in a lease as “Lovestokes Lane” which was subsequently changed to “Longstick Lane” and “Woodstock Lane”; in the seventeenth century it became known as now, Rosemary Lane. We learn from Gilbert that on the western side of Rosemary Lane was a large building for a considerable period used as a Roman Catholic chapel of the parishes of SS. Michael and John, which in the reign of Charles I was placed under the care of Fr. Coyle, who was succeeded in 1628 by Fr. Brangan. A Government report states that “There is one Mass-House in St. Michaels Parish which stands at the side of Mr. George Taylors house; it is partly within the walls ; the recusants of that parish, and of the parishes adjoining resort thither commonly; the priest that saith Mass there, and is commonly called the priest of the parish, is named Patrick Brangan. The parishioners of St.Johns Parish that are Recusants frequent the above named Mass-House, and have the same man for their priest.” This reference is, of course, to the period known as the Penal Times. In the Franciscan Convent, Merchants’ Quay, the Rev. Fr. Jerome was kind enough to show me a Register dealing with the Orphanage of St. Bonaventure, which was situated in Rosemary Lane, having been founded in 1817 by Rev. J. B. Keane. In 1820 the Orphanage became more generally known as St. Bonaventure’s Charitable Institution, and depended for its maintenance on an Annual Charity Sermon ; on the occasion of the charity sermon the orphans occupied the front seats in the church, and so interested the charitable public. Reference is made to the fact that Dr. Geoghegan, Bishop of Adelaide, Australia, was received into the Institution in 1836 ; the President of the Institution at this time, 1836, was Fr. John Murphy, and the Vice-Presidents were Frs. P. B. Geoghegan and J. McNally. Rosemary Lane also accommodated the Widows’ House of the parish of St. John; now it accommodates little but ruins.

Founded by Alderman Richard Atkinson, who is described in the Directories as a “Silk Throwster,” this asylum is very well managed; the house is at 21 New Street, and is for the reception of “Widows or Single Women” of the age of 60 or upwards, who shall have, or be guaranteed in writing, a weekly income of not less than six shillings during residence in the Asylum, etc.; the endowment for this Asylum is fairly considerable, most of which is invested in Railway Debenture Stock; the Trustees of this Asylum are the ground landlords of Griffith Barracks, late Wellington Barracks, from which an income of £64 19s. 10d. is derived annually.

This house is situated on the Coombe, and was opened about 65 years ago; the house is a parochial charge and accordingly is under the care of “the Rector and Churchwardens;” there are 10 widows in this building, which was formerly a school.

And now, fearing that the patience of my listeners will soon be exhausted with such loose-fitting accounts of the various alms- houses, 1 finish up by giving a number of others that have ceased to exist; the old house on Arbour Hill with the tablet “St. Paul’s Widows’ House, 1796” has closed its doors as such since November, 1937 ; the last two inmates were removed to different places ; one of the places was a cemetery, the other an alms-house ; and so St. Paul’s, that at one time accommodated 29 widows, has ceased to accommodate. The Alms-hoUse of the parish of St. Mark, in Mark Street, has also closed its doors, and the house has become, of all things, a lodging-house for men; this particular house was in use in 1798 as a Public Soup Shop, being one of a number opened by order of the Government, the Governors of the House of Industry being the managing-centre. St. Werburgh’s Alms-house for Widows was in Derby Square, but has long since gone out of existence, as has that of St. Bride’s, which being situated in Great Ship Street was demolished in 1903 to make way for the erection of a school. I believe it then took up a new position, this time in Chancery Lane; a large house still standing in that lane was pointed out to me as being it. The Catholic Widows’ House in Clarke’s Court, Ship Street, has shared the fate of most of the houses in that street, demolished, but at one time accommodated 28 widows.
And now, as everything must come to an end, I shall finish this paper, in which I have tried to deal in an interesting way with a branch of Dublin’s charitable work which is not too generally known, and at the same time to arouse respect for the memory of those good persons who have helped to case the path of a class who are always with us, namely, THE POOR.

Registration Districts, Co. Tipperary

Co Tipperary Districts are as follows:

* registrations are for townlands only located in Co. Tipperary
** Centre or head office for district is located in Co. Tipperary but district itself takes in part of another county
*** Centre or head office for a district is located in another county but the district takes in townlands in Co. Tipperary.

Baptism Records COI, Abbeyleix, Co. Laois, 1780s

This page features 93 Church of Ireland baptism records for the Laois village of Abbeyleix during the 1780s. The records are sorted alphabetically by surname.

Surname Name Year Father Mother
Brereton Thomas 25/12/1787 Samuel Sarah
Brett John 1781 Michael Bridget
Case Elizabeth 1784 Thomas Comfort
Case Arthur 1786 Thomas Comfort
Case Frances 02/09/1787 Allen Mary
Case John 30/10/1787 Thomas Comfort
Case Diana 1782 Thomas Comfort
Chambers Joseph 1782 Robert Elizabeth
Chambers Benjamin 1785 Robert Elizabeth
Church John 1783
Dignell Catherine 1781 Walter Anne
Dignell Henry 1784 Walter Elizth
Dobbs John 1782 Joseph Judith
Galbraith John Edmond 1784 George Frances
Galbraith Francis Edward 1785 George Frances
Gale William 1781 Thomas Anne
Gale Peter 1782 Thomas Anne
Gale Mary 1784 Thomas Anne
Gale Anthony 1786 Thomas Eleanor
Gale Michael 1786 Thomas Anne
Gale Thomas 1787 Thomas Eleanor
Green Catherine 1786 Joseph Anne
Hairbottle James 1783
Hand Wynne 1781 William Jane
Hand Edward 1785 William Jane
Harris John 1781 Nathaniel Mary
Hartford Elizabeth 1782 Thomas Elizath
Hartford Judith 1784 Edward Elizth
Hartford Catherine 1784 John Mary
Hartford Mary 1785 John Margaret
Hartford Thomas 1786 Edward Elizabeth
Hartford Thomas 1786 John Margaret
Hodgins John 11/12/1787 Isaac Anne
Hutchinson Richard 1785 Thomas Anne
Jessop Rebecca 1784 Humphry Anne
Jestin Richard 1781 Martin Elizabeth
Jestin Mary 1783 Martin Elizabeth
Jestin Richard 1784 James Anne
Jestin Frances 1785 Martin Elizabeth
Jestin Robert 1785 James Anne
Jestin Catherine 04/12/1787 Martin Elizabeth
Lawrenson Elizabeth 1783 Mr Edward Mrs Eleanor
Lawrenson Edward 1786 Edward Eleanor
Leech John 1783 George Catherine
Leech Henry Allen 1786 George Catherine
Lewis Margaret 1783 John Margaret
Lewis John 1786 John Margaret
Lowry Esther 1781 John Elinor
Lowry Elizabeth 1783 Richard Grace
Lowry Eleanor 1785 John Eleanor
Lowry Maria 1785 Richard Grace
Lowry Mary 20/12/1787 John Eleanor
Lyon Louisa 1783 Thomas Mary
Lyon John 1784 Thomas Mary
Maurice Sarah 1783 John Sarah
Maurice Anne 1786 John Sarah
Mosse George 1781 Thomas Elizabeth
Mosse Henry 1783 Thomas Elizabeth
Mosse Christian Anne 1784 Robert Jane
Mosse Meanue 1786 Thomas Elizabeth
Naun Frances 1786 William Sutcliffe Frances
Noble Richard 1785 John Alley
Noble Anne 1787 John Alice
Oldfield Sarah 1785 George Margery
Oxley John 1782 Joseph Elizabeth
Oxley Nathaniel 1785 Joseph Elizabeth
Parkinson Meanue 1784 John Christian
Parkinson Alice 1786 John Christian
Price Edward 15/10/1787 Edward Sarah
Quinlan Lawrence 1781
Remmington Mary 1783 Thomas Mary
Remmington Thomas 1783 Thomas Mary
Ryland William 1783 John Anne
Ryland Sarah 1786 John Anne
Sampson James 1783 John Anne
Sampson John 1785 John Anne
Sutcliffe John 1781 Edward Margaret
Sutcliffe Mary 1783 Edward Margaret
Sutcliffe James 1785 Edward Margaret
Sutcliffe Thomas 01/12/1787 Edward Margaret
Vance Christopher 1781 Samuel Anne
Vance Elizabeth 1785 Samuel Anne
Warren Thomas 1783 John Elizabeth
Warren Alice 1784 John Elizabeth
Warren Mary 1786 John Elizabeth
Watt John 1781 John Mary
Watt Christian 1782 John Mary
Watt David 1784 John Mary
Watt Arthur Charles 1785 John Mary
Wild Anne 1784 Thomas Frances
Wild Thos 1786 Thomas Frances
Wilkinson Margaret 1786 David Anne
Wilson Mary 1787 Thomas Grace

Corbally Graveyard Records, Co. Tipperary

This page features free records for Corbally Graveyard, Co. Tipperary, compiled and transcribed by Dr. Jane Lyons and exclusive to From-Ireland.netFollow this link to browse through photographs of Corbally Graveyard.

Surname First Name Address Death Age
Colbert William 21/03/1894 85
Davis Elizabeth Cappalahan 07/03/1937 71
Davis Emily Cappalahan 12/08/1992 88
Davis George Cappalahan 08/01/1936 76
Davis James Cappalahan 25/10/1964 68
Davis James 08/08/1962 82
Davis Joseph 04/12/1981 62
Davis Priscilla 10/01/1973 88
Davis Richard Cappalahan 10/08/1937 30
Draper Benjamin Tinderry Knock 05/08/1947 79
Draper Florence Matilda Tinderry Knock 25/03/1951 2
Draper James Tinderry Knock 05/11/1955 49
Draper May Tinderry Knock 21/06/1986 71
Draper Percy Tinderry Knock 03/08/1977 69
Draper Susan Martha Tinderry Knock 12/02/1951 72
Fegan (nee) Davis Mary Jane Cappalahan 02/04/1971 76
Fegan (nee) Davis Susan Cappalahan 21/07/1950 57
Hoey Dorothy Joan Timoney 26/07/1970 58
Morris Rev. Lloyd
Moss Harrington Timoney 16/04/1898 45
Mossop Benjamin Derrymore, Roscrea 01/06/1935 49
Mossop Elizabeth Cappalahan 26/12/1898 82
Mossop Elizabeth Derrymore, Roscrea 24/09/1979 82
Mossop John Derrymore, Roscrea 13/03/1993 24
Mossop Priscilla Derrymore, Roscrea 22/12/2002 80
Mossop Richard Derrymore, Roscrea 25/05/1948 60
Mossop Richard Cappalahan 28/01/1886 75
Mossop Thomas Cappalahan 1892 54
Mossop Tom Derrymore, Roscrea 06/12/1998 71
Moyan George Cullahill 00/08/1942
Moyan Hilda Cullahill 00/11/1956
Moyan John Cullahill 00/01/1972
Moyan John Cullahill 00/05/1963
Orange Jane 28/07/1829 8
Piercy George Tenderry 09/05/1912 48
Piercy Margaret Tenderry 07/02/1961
Piercy Mary Anne Tenderry 04/10/1893 62
Piercy Richard, Jr. Tenderry 19/06/1893 25
Piercy Richard, Sr. Tenderry 02/02/1907 73
Piercy Wiliam Tenderry 05/05/1997 86
Piercy William Tenderry 27/03/1910 43
Proctor Robert Timoney 22/04/1897 49
St. Leger James 13/04/1978 89
St. Leger Sarah 16/08/2001 103
St. Leger William James 21/05/1938 4
Stanley George 20/12/1998 83
Thornburgh George Timoney 26/10/1916 52
Thornburgh Heather Timoney 14/07/1946
Thornburgh James Timoney 13/06/1980 73
Thornburgh James Timoney 13/06/1990 73
Thornburgh Lorna Timoney 10/12/1952
Thornburgh Mary Ann Timoney 10/04/1951 85
Thornburgh Victor Timoney 15/01/1984 35
Thornburgh Victor Timoney 15/01/1984 35
Thornburgh William Dalkey 29/04/1990 88
Wallace Charles Bawn 12/02/1945 78
Wallace Frances Bawn 13/02/1942 82
Wallace George Noel Curraguneen 24/07/1994
Wallace Robert Bawn 28/12/1965 65
Wallace (nee) Piercy Mary Bawn 02/11/1996 87